Thursday, February 26, 2009

Identity...

You are a hardcore Manipuri if...


. Everything you eat is savored in ngari, nga_akang_ba and Red/Green chillies.
. You have Haofis at every conceivable item in your bedroom.
. You try to eject food particles from between your teeth by pressing your tongue against them and making a peculiar noise like, tshick, tshick, tschick, tschick.
. You think Moreh is the best place to do shopping.
. You keep leftover Sareng_thongba in your fridge and saying it is a Sareng_Ngaren.
. You name your children in rhythms (example, Tomba & Chaoba, Homba .)
. All your children have pet names at home, which sound nowhere close to their real names.
. You take Indian snacks anywhere it says "No Food Allowed"
. You talk for an hour at the front door when leaving someone's house.
. You load up the family car with as many people as possible.
. You use plastic to cover anything new in your house whether it's the remote control, VCR, carpet or new couch.
. Your parents tell you to not care what your friends think but they won't let you do certain things because of what the other "Khura or Indomcha" will think.
. You buy and display crockery, which is for special occasions, which never happen.
. You take your meal before going to office.
. You use grocery bags to hold garbage.
. You keep leftover food in your fridge in as many numbers of bowls as possible.
. Your kitchen shelf is full of Nga stuff - anything starting with Nga-.
. You know that "Tapta" is not a name of an animal.
. You own a rice cooker or a pressure cooker.
. You fight over who pays the dinner bill.
. You majored in engineering, medicine or law and now........are after Software and only Software no matter which field you belong to.
. You live with your parents and you are 35 years old. (And they prefer it that way).
. You never learnt how to stand in a queue.
. You can only travel if there are 5 persons at least to see you off or receive you whether you are traveling by bus, train or plane.
. If she is NOT your daughter, you always take interest in knowing whose daughter has eloped with whose son and feel proud to spread it at the velocity of more than the speed of light.
. You only make long distance calls after 11p.m.
. If you don't live at home, when your parents call, they ask if you've eaten, even if it's midnight.
. You call an older person you never met before "Taada." or "Tamo"
. You think education can be only done outside Manipur.
. Your parents don't realise phone connections to foreign countries have improved in the last two decades, and still scream at the top of their lungs when making foreign calls.
. You have bed sheets on your sofas so as to keep them away from getting dirty.
. When dining out, you think Rs5 is enough of a tip.
. It's embarrassing if your wedding does not have a side "Yu" party.
. You've seen the ground while inside the lavatory of a train.
. You know the actual meaning of having a "programme" today - and that is having a "date"
. All your tupperware are brought from Moreh-bazaar.
. You have drinking glasses made of steel.
. You always look for 'Kanana Haijilibano' first in Poknafam and 'Sengdokchaba' in other 'khabars'.
. You have at least one or two siblings, sons or daughters studying outside Manipur.
. You do not return from Delhi empty handed but with a second hand scooter.
. You post "ngari", "shoijin" to your near and dear ones outside Manipur.
. You have at least one family member with UG background or HIV connection.
. You think breaking law, ignoring rules and regulations increases your clout.
. You don't take changes at shops and maintain your "izzat".
. You temper with your electric meter.
. You agree that getting a job or marrying a girl is winning an auction.
. You think that there are only two places or communities in Manipur----Imphal and Lawai.
. You can't find any ruling MLAs but all Ministers.
. You welcome frequent elections and take Rs 500 each from all the candidates and still vote for "your best candidate."
. You and your family members have been operated for some "stone case."
. You take HSLC Exam as battle in which all the family members fight for you--a sort of "family planning."
. You accept that there is only an accepted form of marriage and that is "elopement."
. You have at least one national player in your "family" or "leikai."
. You do gym and take drugs (tablets or any other) and go in gangs and dreams that you are in Hollywood.
. You can take a bath with half a bucketful of water and still save some for cleaning towel.
. You worship two sets of God and do different rituals---- traditional and Vaishnavite/Christianity.
. Your family owns a SUPER DVD Player.
. You call a cool, simple and shy guy as HOMO.
For Girls:
. You go to college on kinetic honda.
. You only know of DATING-ON-WHEELS and then in cosy restaurants or in WOODLANDS.
. You say I CANT GO HOME when your brother sees you along with boy friend and then elope.
. If you wear Phanek , Sari Tankhay, Moirang Phee, or Wangkhei Phee as the case may be and carry an umbrella while going out during summer.
. You feel insulted when no boy passes some comments on you and your dress in colleges and leiraks.
. You join some MARUP for your A..UN..POT.
. You are beautiful, well qualified and with jobs – avoid short, white and ugly MEITEI pakhang and go with tall, dark, "handsome" and cunning MAYAANG GUYS and think of becoming a MAYAANG
. You know that 'Momo' could be any of the following - Name of a person, something to eat or the way cattle makes noise.
. You miss Moreh snacks especially the Numitleimaru when you are out of Manipur.
. (This one is meant for girls) when you start dressing up to go and collect water from the locality toti-tapham.
. When the craving to walk/jog overcomes you in and around the Durga Puja week.
. Even if you are not aware of any India-Pakistan Peace talks, You had been party to some 'talking' and that was the long romantic walk you took with your sweetheart on some less travelled leirak.
. You actually know that "Sekmai Chamellei" is neither a name of a place nor name of a flower
. Your son start asking you to buy him a CBZ.
. All festivals are celebrated with vehicles plying on the road with extra maximum occupany ... 4/5 for 2-wheeler & 12-15 for Cars
. You take your meal before going to office.
. If you go out to the street to watch curfew
. You are used to "candlelight dinner".
. Fetching water at Kanglapat is great fun.
. You don`t have a driving license.
. (For guys!) You think eve teasing is an art.
. You think bandh is a tradition and a part of our culture.
. You think buying pirated stuffs is normal.
You are a hardcore Manipuri if...
. You have something called a 'show box' in your living room.
. You think you haven't eaten unless you've eaten "chak"
For women
. You elope and you come back wearing one of those gaudy colors--red, shocking pink, parrot green, orange etc.
. You wear at least an item of gold jewelry all the time.
For male students outside the state:
. You call home only when you are broke.
. You look high and low for anyone going home and give them letters and parcels for home (which you can easily send by post)
. You give unsolicited advice to the girls.
You are a hardcore Manipuri if...
. If you hung a moreh towel when travelling in train.
. If you wear a moreh STAR rubber chappel with green, blue, red and brown colour and put in front of hostel or rented flats.
. If you stay with a girl and say to the landlord that she is your cousin.
. If you call the hostel girls for ningol chakouba and propose her of your love.
. If you fail 4 times in hindi during degree course.
. If you form a student organisation and become secretary to visit girls hostel.
. If you say "meitai nupa singse yamna chaoukhatte".
. If you say "Bhaiya" when ever you meet a non manipuri.
More…
YOU ARE A HARDCORE MANIPURI IF....
If you remember the taste of SOUGRI kangsoi with mangan kangou and superfine rice.
. If you take bath with "Phadi"and feel incomplete without it.
. If all Your surnames ends with letter M .
. If You are confused with Lunch and breakfast.
. If your meal is incomplete without a "morok metpa ".
. If you discuss the progress of Manipur only during partying.
. If you think arranged-marriage hurts your ego.
. If you wear at least one "Zantra ".
. If you are searching for "awa phadigom " even outside manipur .
. If you thought mustard oil is the only oil available in world.
. If you plan your investment in the form of "Marup " and buying agricultural land.
. If you have a date in "cabin" and couldn't find it anywhere else in the World.
. If you feel all Manipuri girls should be strictly married to Manipuri boys only and no-one else.
. If you always thought that office timing is 11AM to 3PM.
. If you think all black non-manipuris are 'mayangs'
. If you are addicted to 'singju' and 'Kelichana' .
If...
. If you feel, you know more about FASHION TRENDS and also feel that you wear rather exotic fashionable attires and accessories than the SuperModels in the West and the European Countries do.
. If you sell-off, parental inherited piece of land just only to buy a bike - PULSAR / CBZ.
. If you love watching Manipuri Movies where - KAIKU & KAMALA are singing and running around the LABUK.
. If you always tell others; that your neighbour owns a MARUTI car.
. If you chat senseless using girls' name in E-Pao chat room.
. If you are in Bangalore/Delhi/Pune even without what the hell you are doing in these places....
. If you look for "Thabal Chongba" alerts in the E-Pao bulletin...
. You promise to share Ngari-Ngatai after a trip back from home and never have the time to do so under many pretext as time goes by & those items become very precious to SHARE !!
.You cook fish or for that matter any meat for your guest for the dinner or lunch...Without a meal together you think your bond is not so strong and something big is missing.
.You think Moreh is a foreign country full of cheap goods..almost everything you imagine.
.You think restaurant is only a place meant for 'Leisha-pakhang' and you don't give a damn about the stuffs available there.
.You dont believe that a Burmese or a Chinese is a foreigner....you think only white people are foreigner.
.You think that all those people who grow long hairs are good for nothing or 'amaang ba mi'.
.You think flyover is a sign of development.
.You live in Delhi and you have gone to 'Sunday market' at least once.
.You have at least one Moreh cupboard in your room (for those who stay in rent, outside).
.You think all the people of Nagaland knows Manipuri, so while travelling you start asking them in Manipuri in hotels and paan-dukan and even to policemen.

WOMEN

. You call your husband tamo, and your brother too.
. Your desire for gold is more than anything in life.
. You want to go back to Imphal after a point of time.

MEN

. You begin a love letter with "dear sister."
. You find women in outfits other than phanek too modern.
. You cannot tolerate Meitei girls going out with mayangs.
. You swear words very often.

GENERAL

. You pop a zarda paan after lunch or dinner.
. You find eloping very normal.
. You think speaking in English is so 'afau shaba'.






Coutesy: E-pao

Beyond the horizon...

Media Outsourcing Services in India

While IT, Banking and Finance companies across the United States and Europe are outsourcing their services to India in quest of quality output at a lower cost, there are some new sectors in India that have shown readiness to provide support to global companies. Media sector is one of those. India's largest television news broadcaster NDTV has announced a joint venture with the country's single largest BPO company, Genpact. Both the companies have agreed to offer content creation and other media services to worldwide customers.

 

According to sources, there are many independent processes that go into making a final media product. Often, these products are not made in-house. They can be shipped off to someone else to do the behind-the-scenes work. Now a days, 70 percent of all media work have become digital. Hence, they can be easily outsourced. NDTV is looking to enter the media processing filed that will allow outlets to maintain basic scripting and control.

 

Digitizing archives, logging, and metatagging -- by which all footage is digitized and transcribed so that it can be searched by key phrases - are some of the services which the company intends to provide. Format changing footage such as creating one minute podcasts from audio recordings, as well as craft editing are also anticipated services.

 

Financial news service Reuters' decision to move editorial jobs from US and Europe to India triggered a new outsourcing era in the global media and publishing business five years ago.

 

And, Britain's media sector will lose 4,000 jobs within 10 years, thanks to offshoring, says IT analyst Forrester.

 

Technology news portal CNET gets work done from India for research reports and news alerts, taking advantage of the timezone and keeping its news site fresh from 6 am onwards.

 

Moreover, publishers in US are doing pilot programs to make news pages designed and made from India for cost cutting as well as providing up to date news.

 

New York Times is already outsourcing many components of its publishing tools from a US-based software company, which is offshoring work to India. Digitalisation work of US newspapers are also outsourced to Indian companies.

 

UK-based Pearson group is doing many of its back office work from New Delhi. British newspapers are keeping a close watch on Reuters in India.

 

The outsourced publishing services business is doing a turnover of over Rs. 1,000 crore annually in India. Reuters centre in Bangalore will hire 60 people and monitor company announcements made in US and Europe and outsource basic data analysis, compile tables.

 

It admits that main reason for outsourcing is to save money. It employs over 300 non-editorial people who help in crunching market data in Bangalore.

 

"I know these plans are exciting and disturbing for some. They will inevitably have an effect on some peoples' responsibilities, work and jobs," says David Schlesinger, global managing editor, Reuters, in a memo put in the Poynter Institute Website.

 

"We will have to continue to look at other areas of editorial that could be done in a cost-effective way in Bangalore or another centre."

 

While a Reuters' trainee correspondent in Britain gets an annual package of Rs 21 lakh, it plans to hire Indians at quarter that amount.

 

"India is a happening place. Advances in technology have made it easy to do editorial and publishing work. You have a huge cost advantage," says Ranjit Singh, CEO of US-based TechBooks which does most of its outsourcing work from Delhi employing 2,000 people.

 

TechBooks clients include Cambridge University Press, Prentice Hall, Law Writer, Net Library among others. Its latest assignment is making Chicago Manual of Style which has been the reference for writers, editors, publishers, and anyone else working with words in US.

 

Players like Thomson Press, Macmillan, Integra, Newgen Imaging and Express KCS are doing flourishing outsourcing publishing business from India. Outsourcing of content and all other services in publishing industry is pegged at $2.5 billion globally.

 

Wednesday, February 25, 2009

Delhi to Akbarpur

With a little help from my friend


It is pleasant to reach our destination in a journey; but it is the journey that matters, in the end. On a trip to attend the marriage ceremony of our dear friend, Ved Prakash, we had a hell of good time, some of them, which were quite memorable.
By Kapil Arambam



There are two ways to slide easily through life: to believe everything or to doubt everything; both ways save us from thinking.  But it has been a journey – and I'm quite enjoying it, taking each step cautiously like I've never done before in my life.  In the meantime, Ved Prakash, who works as a sub-editor at Panchjanya monthly journal, has started his second innings – he married Bhumika on Feb 20 (Friday) 2009, and we had a marvelous time attending the ceremony. Excellent foods, delightful moments with friends, and Ved's generous family – all of them blended well to provide us some memories we would cherish forevermore. Eight of us from Delhi went to his hometown in Akbarpur (in Ambedkar Nagar district, Uttar Pradesh) for the festivities, while another three joined us from Allahabad.

A successful marriage, it is said, depends on two things: finding the right person and being the right person. We hope he has a wonderful life together with his partner. Like a long conversation that seems too short, let's wish he had a pleasant way of life and found a new, blissful terrain in the nuptial world.


As it was in the beginning



It was a 12-hour ride by train to Akbarpur. At the outset, I felt rather ease to have made the journey, for one week, Yatish has been swearing to me after we failed to attend his brother's marriage in Allahabad on Valentine's Day. I have been also wishing for trips to north Indian towns for long. Anyways, we board the train from Old Delhi on Feb 19 – I was accompanied by Gupteshwar Kumar, Vivek Vishwakarma, Himanshu Sharma, Deepak Ruwali, Diwan Bisht Manu Shrivastav and Shanu Shrivastav. The train departed, much to our excitement, as scheduled at 7:20 pm.

However, we had only four confirmed tickets to travel all along 12 hours. It was no issue, though – with plenty of tittle-tattle, scrambling one upon another and music on the cell phones, and the TT didn't even made his wolfish appearance. When we got up at daybreak, we were three hours away from our destination and passed through two main stations – Faizabad and Ayodhya, two of the main cities in Uttar Pradesh.


A warm reception – waking up to smell the sweet coffee



We reached Akbarpur Junction around 8:30am, 90 minutes behind schedule. Ved's father was already running around at the station to receive us. We have met him once when the Media House was in Bharat Nagar. A jeep was reserved for us and it took nearly an hour to get to Mubarakpur, a Muslim locality where Ved's house is situated. It was a bumpy ride and nobody, (except Himanshu who had already been there), could have imagined the long-drawn-out distance. Meanwhile Vivek kept giving lectures to me about the landscapes, which he says, are common to the North Indian towns. Finally we were allocated to a guesthouse that was a walking distance from Ved's house.

The guesthouse has been built recently and a part of it was in fact, undergoing refurbishment (Ved later informed us it belongs to one of his father's friend). Unsurprisingly, it was really stunning in the rustic neighbourhood. We got freshen up and were told to come over for a breakfast. But before leaving, Ved's brother-in-law and one of his cousins came and we planned for the drinks, which was a priority to attend the marriage procession in the evening.

We had our breakfast and hang around there for some time. When we went back to our lodgings, we found one full Royal Stag and a few beer bottles. But it was not an ideal time for the drinking bouts as all of us dozed off after a couple of pegs. The three Allahabadis – Yatish Shrivasta, Manu and their friend Gyan Gaurav had also arrived there in the meantime. (Yatish sweared to me again for I was making flimsy excuses but I assures him that I would definitely come to his wedding with Leesa or whosoever).


Happy game, fun bomb – drinks, food and party


We started with a few pegs on the way, getting ready for the barat (main marriage ceremony). Deepak was complaining the Royal Stag was a fake and that he didn't get any kick. Guppu chipped in the beers were also spurious. But I got high gradually in the evening (while Deepak had covertly drank a half RC with fellow Uttrakhandi, Diwan).

It was almost dark when we headed for the bride's place, which was situated about 20km away, near the railway station. We were received at a janmasa, also known as a dharamshala, where the barat is usually kicked off. We enjoyed plenty of delicacies at the fête and gulped down more whiskies and beers inside the reception house. It was during this time Deepak and Diwan did a disappearing act. Incidentally, there was a wine/beer shop quite close to Bhumika's house and the janmasa.  

Everyone was exhilarated and ready for the fun. The music started and the groom had aleady changed his coat and tie into a sherwani. He had put an effort to lose weight for this auspicious occasion. And he has succeeded! I don't even feel like calling him an elephant anymore. When he mounted on the embellished horse cart lo! The ball started rolling for the barat!
 
Unfortunately, I could not dance at all! It is not in my blood – I feel like moving my legs while dancing, when I should be lifting my arms and vice versa. Don't ask me to dance. But I remember one Japanese proverb I read somewhere: We're fools whether we dance or not, so we might as well dance. But don't tell me.

I've been wondering how Vivek and Gyan Gaurav had danced all the way from the janmasa to the bride's house, which took us nearly an hour in the protracted procession and continued inside the marriage gathering. Guppu had told the DJ that both of them were hired from the locality, especially for the dance.


A tale that is knot


Do I need to mention we have more savouries and sweet dishes? I love the mayang's love for sweets. How could I describe the variety of toothsome sweets that we were served! As soon as we reach the place, everyone rushed in to the dance floor, while I led for the buffet. I had to play around with my cell camera while they were swaying and whirling to the Bollywood dhamaka numbers and the worst trance music I've ever heard.

When the bride made her presence in resplendence and a glamorous red dress on the dais, the camera/photo shoots went off in full force. The formalities lasted for quite long while we simply get through the time.

The long day ends for us but the elaborate ritual would continue for the whole night. Ved wanted us to stay at the janmasa, while we were longing to retire peacefully at the guesthouse. Finally, it was decided that we would be going back but Yatish and Manu stayed back as they were leaving for Allahaabd the following morning.


The good, the bad and the ugly


On Saturday, we saw the real Mubarakpur. Every item was low priced and we had a breakfast to our stomach full with a paltry amount. However, we had a hard time searching for some of our basic stuffs – the most important was cigarette and nowhere was any good brand available. They have one Capstan and Captain along with various brands of bidis. This Muslim neighbourhood is located in an interior part. We saw weaving as the only major occupation of the people as we could hear the clatter of the machines in each house. Apart from that, there were slowly moving people (most of them wear loongis only) and lines of half-empty kiosks selling tit-bits in the narrow alley, which serves as a main road.

Everyone gazed at me whenever we moved around, apparently, owing to my Mongoloid look.


The show must go on…


The main reception programme was held in the evening. The bride was already escorted to the groom's house and a similar dais, like the one they were seated the previous evening, was constructed in Ved's courtyard – where everyone would made their way for blessings and gifts for the newly-weds plus the typical Indian photo shoots with umpteen relatives. Adding one more illustrious snap to the family album!

We reached there before the arrival of the husband and the wife. There is one interesting lesson that married men needs to learn. We know more about women than they do – otherwise we would have been married too. I don't mean to infuriate the Mahila Mandal Samiti, but it marks the end of our self-governing bachelorhood. Still, Deepak was grouching he would persuade his mother to get a girl for him. Ved has aroused him; no doubt, both of them are near thirty.

Like the previous evening, everyone plunged into the dance floor as soon as we reach the place. In fact, one of Ved's cousins told us later that his father had wanted us to arrive early for the disco. While we were having a few rounds of Imperial Blue, we were almost forced to complete the pegs in haste. Some of us were also bathing and getting dressed at the moment.
 
And I did the same thing again when we reach our destination – I headed for the dishes kept in the buffet. But ultimately, I had to give in that evening. I danced with them, while Ved had jumped on to the dance floor from the dais earlier.

O haseena, o neelampari, kar gayi kaisi jaadugari
neend in aankhon se cheen li hai, dil mein bechainiya hai bhari  
main bechara hoon awaraa bolo samjahon main yeh abb kis kis ko dil mein mere hai
dard-e-disco, dard-e-disco, dard-e-disco

The dance continued till late. In midst, I saw a funny thing as the ladies and gentlemen taking turns to sway their way. Was it traditional, prohibitive or a convention, I fail to understand but the opposite sexes did not mingle together. The gentlemen reign in the dancing department and occupied maximum time on the dance floor while most of the ladies were visibly inhibited when they took their turn.   


Smell like high spirit


Anyways, it was fun and frolic all around. Vivek was more amused after he went away with Ved's brother-in-law to drink. The party ended after midnight and we headed for the guesthouse, where we had another spectacle with Vivek's thetrics. Obviously, all of us were inebriated and it was a stage we were out of our sense. Vivek started the polychromatic gabbles – after his usual philosophical craps about friendship, he informed us he used to bowl at 152km/h but that he could not make it big owing to political nuisance. Everyone went wild.

Something struck inside my throat while drinking water and laughing simultaneously that I puked from my mouth and nose! But the high spirits remained unabated overtime.

An unbelievable sight captured our imagination the following morning on Sunday. Ved had taken us for some sightseeing at one Mahadev Ghat, situated a couple of hundred metres from his house. It provides breathtaking views of the river Saryu, flowing vehemently, with an exciting vista in the background, created by the blowing white sands on the other side of the riverbank. It was spellbinding.

But, on the way to the ghat and back, he could not receive the volley of questions that were hurled at him about the previous night. He answered some of them, which were quite obvious, and did not reply the curious queries. [:D] Later, we had our lunch and rest for a while before leaving the town. We were given clothes as gifts and bid goodbye.

We took a half RC from the shop near Bhumika's house and finished it off before the train departure.



_________________________________________________________________________________

Tuesday, February 24, 2009

Psychology...



Music linked to teen sex habits

Couple hugging
Researchers quizzed young people about sexual activity and music

Listening to music with degrading sexual lyrics could prompt teenagers to start having sex at an earlier age, a US study suggests.

Researchers from Pittsburgh University quizzed 711 teenagers about their sex lives and music listening habits.

They found those who regularly listened to music with explicit and aggressive sexual phrases were twice as likely to be having sex.

But experts said it was too simplistic to link music directly to behaviour.

The team classed degrading sexual lyrics as songs which described sex as a physical rather than loving act and also where it was linked to power, the American Journal of Preventative Medicine reported.

Parents should be talking to their children about sex and putting these sorts of lyrics in context
Dr Brian Primack, lead researcher

Researchers refused to name which songs would fall into the degrading category, but cited phrases such as "I'm gonna beat that pussy up" as the kind of lyrics that were being used.

They split the 13 to 18-year-olds into three groups - those who listened to such music regularly, sometimes and not often.

Regularly was classed as anything over 17.6 hours a week, whereas not often was under 2.7 hours.

They found 45% of regular listeners had had sex, compared to just 21% of infrequent listeners.

Lead researcher Dr Brian Primack said: "There certainly seems to be a link, but it is hard to say whether listening to music is directly contributing to having sex earlier.

"However, I think parents should consider this. It is tempting to say music is just 'teenage stuff'.

"I am not saying parents should try to ban such music, that is unlikely to help.

"But they should be talking to their children about sex and putting these sorts of lyrics in context."

But UK experts were sceptical about the extent of the role played by such music.

Too simplistic

A spokeswoman for Brook, the sexual health charity for young people, said: "Obviously the cultural environment plays a part, but that is not to say there is a causal link.

"It is far too simplistic to say just because someone listens to this music they have sex. There are a variety of factors that influence decisions."

And Rebecca Findlay, of the fpa, formerly the Family Planning Association, agreed that sexual behaviour "could not be put down to one factor alone".

"I think what this does show is the importance of good sex education to address these issues."







www.bbc.co.uk

Wednesday, February 18, 2009

History beckons...

Critique of Hindu proselytization in Manipur

Ordeals and upheaval






By Thingnam Kishan Singh






Part I

As the majestic Himalayas gradually loop and descend in size and altitude towards the Southeast Asian frontier, interspersed with green valleys and blue hills, before immersing in the waters
of the sea lays the land of Manipur washed with the Barak basin on the west and the Chindwin River on the east.

History bears testimony to the travails of a civilization of the people of this land running through a course of two thousand years. Known as Kathe to the Burmese, Meklee to the Ahoms, Mooglie to the Cacharies, Cassey to the Shans, the people of this ancient Asiatic land presently called Manipur have experienced numerous upheavals as a result of encounters with different cultures and powers.

Situated along the Southern Silk Route, Manipur has been historically described as a meeting point of different peoples and cultures from the East, the South and the Southeast Asian region. [ 1 ]

Manipur is located between latitude 23050' and 25030' North and longitude 93010' and 94030' East, and consists of about 7000 square miles of hill territory, and of 1000 square miles of level country forming a broad valley.

The constant interactions resulting from trading activities between different peoples and the struggles for political domination among the various ethnic groups and migrating tribes have resulted in the intermingling of different cultures.

Constant interaction and assimilation of several ethnic groups in the valley resulted in the emergence of the Meeteis as the dominant group by the first century AD.

Recorded history of Manipur dates back to 33 AD with the ascent of Nongda Lairen Pakhangba of the Ningthouja clan to the throne at Kangla, which remained the seat of power till British colonial conquest in 1891. [ 2 ]

The royal chronicle Cheitharol Kumbaba records the uninterrupted reign of the clan. It also recorded cultural encounters of the Meeteis with the Ava (Burmese), the Pong (Shan), the Khaki (South China), the Tai Ahom or Tekhao (Assamese) and Takhel (Tripura) etc.

The Cheitharol Kumbaba has three phases covering the long span of the history of this ancient
Asiatic kingdom –

•    the first phase covers the period of Nongda Lairen Pakhangba's ascension to 1484 A.D (the reign of Kyamba),
•    the second phase covers the period between 1484 A.D to 1780 A.D (the reign of Bhagyachandra) and
•    the third phase covering the period between 1780 A.D to the middle of the twentieth century. [ 3 ]

Another chronicle known as the Ningthourol Lambuba provides a much more detailed account inspite of its lack of chronological documentation.

The long drawn historical process witnessed the evolution and emergence of a common faith, a philosophy, a cosmology, a system of complex cultural practices, a language, a script and a written code of conduct.

It is pertinent to note that the first written codified laws were promulgated during the period of King Loiyamba who reigned from 1074 to 1112 A.D. Known as the Loiyumba Sinlen it assumed the basis and form of a constitution through which the administration of the kingdom was carried out till British conquest in 1891.

Modifications and changes from time to time to engage the emerging realities were incorporated in the historical life span of the Loiyumba Sinlen. The present name of the land, Manipur, is relatively of recent origin dating from the eighteenth century only. [ 4 ]

It came with the advent of Hinduism. Sanamahi Laikan, a historical account, mentions that the name Manipur was first officially introduced in the early eighteenth century during the reign of the Hindu convert King Garibniwaz (1709-1748).[ 5 ]

It is clear that the name 'Manipur' does not appear in any of the pre-Hindu literatures more specifically in the chronicles of the Kingdom.[ 6 ] Prior to the advent of this name, Kangleipak, Poireipak and Meitrabak were used.[ 7 ]

Its geographical location - sandwiched between South Asia and Southeast Asia – played an important role in shaping history and cultural development.[ 8 ]

The Meetei faith prior to the advent of Hinduism in Manipur presented a distinct complex set of beliefs with its own cosmology, rites and festivals. Fused with a legacy of mythology and legends, the religion of the Meeties had marked similarities with the indigenous faiths of the surrounding hill tribes.
[ 9 ]

An exposition of this faith underlines the association with nature, which exists in all its abundance in this part of the world. The deities worshipped can be broadly classified into three categories that come under the term Umang Lai.

Literally translated it means forest god', but the etymological sense has a wide difference from actual practice as the Umang Lai is not limited or confined to 'forest deities'.[ 10 ]

As seen from practice, it refers to four different forms of worship:

•    Ancestral deities transposed with human existence at some point of time in the past. These are linked with the mythical associations of defied ancestors.
•    Important deities associated with a clan or tribe.
•    Domestic deities that are worshipped inside the house. These are also 'possessions' of particular clans of families.
•    Tutelary deities or guardian spirits associated with particular places or areas considered sacred.

Hills, in particular, are considered sacred to the Meeteis with several important pilgrimage sites like the Thangjing hill in Moirang, Nongmaiching Hill, Mount Koubru, Mount Kounu, Cheirouching Hill, Kondong Leirembi etc.

Traditional Meetei religion is based on beliefs rooted in a cosmology evolved over the years in the pre-historic stages. This cosmology conceptualised a notion of cosmic evolution that has been part of the ancient Meetei tradition preserved through subsequent generations.

It was subsequently recorded in historical time as the society and culture developed. The cosmological frameworks are recorded in Leithak Leikharon, Pudil, Shakok Lamlen, Thiren Layat, Pakhangba Phambal and other works in the indigenous Meetei script.

Many other manuscripts in the Meetei script also give accounts of the cosmological traditions that speak of a beginning where there was only an empty darkness.

At this point, the supreme god, known by different names like Taipangpanba Mapu (lord of the Universe), Taibirel Sidaba (immortal soul), Atiya Sidaba (immortal lord of space), went on to create the Universe, gods and living beings. [ 11 ]


Part II


With the passage of time and the development and consolidation of the kingdom, encounters and contacts with other cultures and peoples became an inevitable feature.

However, the ancient religion of the Meeteis still continued to hold a dominant sway over the lives of the people in the valley and ancient animistic tribal religions had an overarching presence amongst the hill tribes. [ 12 ]

Seventeenth and Eighteenth centuries witnessed the emergence of immense proselytizing activities in the Indian subcontinent. Historians have assessed the origins of these proselytizing waves in terms of increasing persecution of Hindu missionaries during Aurangazeb's reign.[ 13 ]

As a result of this persecution, the Hindu missionaries had to look eastward as the region beyond Bengal remained outside the domain of Aurangazeb's power. The predominantly difficult geographical terrain of this region prevented any major power from the west to extend influence.

History bears testimony to the repeated attempts by the Mughals to invade Ahom (present Assam) only to face successive failures. The series of conflicts between the mighty Mughals and the determined and fiercely independent Ahoms perhaps formed the basis of increasing Hindu proselytizing missions.

Ahom opposition to the Mughals provided fertile ground for the hectic activities of the persecuted Hindu missionaries who found enthusiastic support among the Ahom ruling class.

The Ahom court of Assam, the Kachari kingdom and Tripura gradually fell under the influence of these Hindu missionaries. It has been pointed out that by the seventeenth century these neighbouring kingdoms in the west of Manipur were already under the influence of Vainshnavite Hinduism.

These kingdoms and their successive rulers gave active support to the Brahmins who migrated to Manipur on proselytizing missions.[ 14 ] These missionaries contributed significantly to the introduction and growth of Hinduism in Manipur.

Bamon Khunthok, an account of Brahmin migrancy to Manipur, accurately describes a steady flow of Brahmin missionaries from different parts of India into the Manipur valley.

The strong legacy of traditional Meetei faith never perceived these Brahmin missionaries as a substantial threat and, on most occasions, was viewed with amusement. As they were never taken seriously, the ruling monarchs presumably allowed them to settle.

In fact, most of these Brahmins were allotted clan names and absorbed into the Meetei fold. [ 15 ]

On most occasions, they were allowed to marry Meetei women. They primarily came without family
or women. It has been recorded that these Brahmin immigrants were made to marry women of the Kei class.

These women were labourers who had to provide and pound rice for the royal family. [ 16 ]

Thereby, the status of the Brahmins were greatly lowered. It is a clear indication of the fact that they were not given a respectable status in society nor was their faith or doctrines accepted readily by the people.

The scene gradually began to change with the accession of Charairongba to the throne of Manipur in 1697. His short reign from 1697 to 1706 laid the seeds for what would become a catastrophic upheaval shortly afterwards.

Charairongba became the first Meetei king who converted to Vaishnavite Hinduism. Mentioned in the chronicle as the first Meetei king who formally took the sacred Hindu thread with rites and rituals, he did not make any attempt to establish Hinduism as the official religion in the kingdom. [ 17 ]

The chronicle maintains clearly that Charairongba, inspite of his conversion to Hinduism, could never break off from the traditional Meetei religion and its practices.

Traditional Meetei religion and culture flourished as there was no prohibition on consumption of meat and wine during his reign. Hinduism was yet to make a decisive impact on the traditional Meetei religion.

Moreover, the people still saw the new faith and its missionaries with amusement rather than a substantial threat to their culture and identity. It was with Charairongba's death and his son Pamheiba's accession to the throne that eventually turned the tables.


Part III


The chronicle Chitharol Kumbaba records that Pamheiba ascended the throne of Manipur in August, 1709 after a gap of forty days of his father's death.

The eldest of the five sons born to the four wives of king Charairongba, Pamheiba was twenty years of age when he took over the reins of administration of the kingdom.

His reign of forty years witnessed dramatic increase in the military and political strength of Manipur which no doubt has been perceived to precipitate a series of crises that eventually led to Manipur's loss of sovereignty and independence. [ 18 ]

Relations with neighbouring kingdom of Ava (Burma), which started deteriorating during Charairongba's reign saw further degeneration with Pamheiba as he made a series of incursions. With rapid strides in military prowess, he soon became a terror for the Burmese.

Huge quantity of literatures - historical religious and creative - supplemented by modern archaeological findings like coins and stone inscription, and numerous references in the contemporary chronicles of Burma [ 19 ] bear testimony of the political and military prowess and achievements of Garibaniwaz who emerged as the most prominent ruler in the eastern frontier of India and Burma.

In fact, no other king in this frontier region and Burma had anything in comparison with Garibaniwaz's military conquest in early 18th century. [ 20 ]

Various Hindu sects made attempts to influence the king's court since Charairongba's time. In 1715, thirty-nine Bairagis reached the capital of Manipur to intensity the proselytization process.

The Cheitharol Kumbaba records that Garibaniwaz took the sacred thread of Vaisnhavite Hinduism from a preceptor called Guru Gopal Das in October 1717. Sanamahi Laikan corroborates this fact.

Prior to the king's initiation to Hinduism, there were no restrictions on the cultural practices, the rituals and festivals associated with traditional Meetei religion.

Eating of meat including beef and consumption of liquor was widespread as earlier. However, October 1717 marked a paradigm shift in terms of proselytization and spread of Hinduism with the despotic monarch declaring it the official religion of the kingdom.

Official sanction witnessed massive patronage to the Brahmin missionaries, the construction of several Hindu shrines and temples and the persecution of those who opposed conversion to Hinduism.

Amongst the shrines and temples constructed in the zeal of religions fervor, mention can be made of the images of Hindu god Krishna and Goddess Kali placed in a tank in 1726 in Kangla as part of the consecration ceremony.

These images were found at the foot of the consecration post in the exact position described in the chronicle Ningthourol Lambuba in 1906 by a British colonial officer. [ 21 ]

Cheitharol Kumbaba mentions the departure of the king's perceptor Guru Gopal Das in 1720. With Gopal Das's return to Bengal, another perceptor by the name of Shanta Das Goswami from Nara Singh Tilla of Sylhet in Bengal took his place and induced Garibaniwaz to execute a series of programmes meant to erase and obliterate the traditional Meetei religion.

Shanta Das was a Brahmin missionary who belonged to the Ramanandi sect of Hinduism in eastern India. Constantly harassed by Aurangazeb's religious policies, these missionaries were compelled to leave their homeland in search for new pastures for missionary activities. [ 22 ]

Brahmins, pilgrims and ascetics entered Manipur in larger members to push forward the proselytization process further. [ 23 ]

Beyond the massive influx of proselytizing missionaries cultural contacts with neighboring Ahom, which had already been Hinduised increased manifold.

Shanta Das's entry marks a significant turning point in the proselytization process. A rigorous thrust towards the use of state power and machineries as instruments to further the propagation of the new faith could be seen henceforth.

The despotic and feudal structure was dexterously exploited to present the alien faith in a grand and aesthetically attractive manner to the common people.

Existing power configuration where the monarch wielded exclusive state power effectively worked as a political force coercing the common masses to submit to the despot's dictat.

Blatant use or abuse of state power could be seen in a series of edicts issued by the king who takes on the Sanskritised title 'Maharaja'. These edicts were aimed at the traditional culture and lifestyles of the people.

The underlying motive was to change the culture and lifestyle of the masses. Edicts proclaimed included prohibition of consumption of meat and liquor, the rearing of poultry and animals like pigs and burial of the dead.

Strict punitive measures were meted out against those who went against Hindu dietary laws. Those who were caught eating beef or any other meat faced severe punishment that even included capital punishment. People who reared livestock other than cows were declared unclean.

They were subsequently outcast from society fined and banished to the far-flung peripheral regions. These outcasts who reared poultry and pigs, ate meat and consumed liquor were called lois.

It is pertinent to note that they still inhabit the fringes and continue with the same lifestyle even today. Many researchers have been able to gain significant insights into the original culture and religious belief of the Meeteis by studying them.

Part IV

Frantic and desperate measures aimed at obliterating traditional Meetei faith included not only persecution of those who opposed conversion but blatant attempts to destroy and efface the shrines of the traditional deities or Umang lais.

An instance is the destruction of nine Umang lais and their shrines by an official dictat in 1723. Calculative moves by the King's new preceptor Shanta Das resulted in widespread vandalism and destruction of the Umang lais.

In 1726, the Cheitharol Kumbaba mentions further large scale destruction of sacred Umang lai shrines. Razed to the ground the ashes were buried in the newly built Hanuman temple near the Palace.

In 1724, the King ordered the opening of the tombs of former kings and members of the royal family. He exhumed the bones of his ancestors and cremated them on the banks of the Chindwin River popularly known as Ningthee River to the Manipuris.

The ashes were scattered in the river in vindication of the newly acquired Hindu faith. Considered a sacrilege by the Meeteis, the opening of the tombs agitated the people intensely.

However, the despotic ruler spared nothing to repress the swelling dissent. The Cheitharol Kumbaba records that cremation was introduced and made mandatory from that year.

Another frantic measure was the burning of books in Meetei script by Shanta Das and his Brahmin followers.

Manuscripts and texts in the indigenous script were confiscated and burnt in full public view in ceremony dubbed 'Puya Meithaba' or 'Puya Burning'.

Altogether, a total of 123 books in manuscripts were burnt on this occasion. [ 24 ]

Use of the indigenous script was banned with dire consequences for those who attempted to resist. It was to be replaced by the Bengali script.

Shanta Das went to the extent of composing an entirely different chronicle in Bengali known as Vijay Pancholi, which was a deliberate attempt to efface the history of the people.

It projected the land as the Manipur of the Hindu epic Mahabarata and traced the lineage and genealogy of the first king of Manipur to Chandrabhanu whose daughter Chitranganda was married to Arjuna, the Pandava archer.

Babrubahana was the son born of this wedlock. His son Yavistha was then identified with Nongda Lairen Pakhangba who first ascended the throne in Kangla in 33 AD.

Imported art forms like the Natya Sankirtan actively encouraged by the royal power gained popularity. Corruption in language became the order of the day as the elite and aristocratic class got increasing exposure to Indo-Aryan language like Sanskrit and Bengali.

With the restrictions on the practice of the indigenous faith and the widespread patronage to the newly imported alien faith, a sudden influence of literatures in the Indo-Aryan languages, especially Sanskrit and Bengali, was felt by the people. [ 25 ]


Part V


The proselytization campaign made attempts to transform the whole social and political system of Manipur into a Hindu State and society. [ 26 ]

Shanta Das drew up a scheme of transplanting the indigenous Meetei social structure with Hindu structures. The Meetei social structure was based on a federation of Clans or tribes known as Yeks or Salais.

Cheitharol Kumbaba records the preparation of genealogies of the Meeteis in order to supplant them with Shanta Das's Hindu gotra system in 1731.

The King and all the converted Meeteis were proclaimed kshatriyas and transplantation of the gotras assumed significance:

Yek/Salai             Gotra

Ningthouja             Shandilya
Angom                 Kaushika
Chenglei                Bhardhwaja
Luwang                 Kashyap
Khuman               Madhugalya
Moirang                Aitereya
Khaba-Nganba             Gautam


Festivals associated with the traditional Meetei religion were either banned or transformed and modified by giving Hindu names and forms.

An important festival known as the Heigru Hidongba celebrated with an annual boat race was rechristened Jal Yatra. Ayang Yoiren Iruppa, an annual bathing ceremony in the month of Wakching (December/January) was transformed into Snan Yatra at Lilong Sahanpat.

The annual archery festival called Waira Tenkap festival in the month of Phairen (February/January) was transformed into a Kirtan of the Hindu god Rama.

Kongba Leithong Phatpa, an oracular ceremony in the Manipuri New Year month of Sajibu (April) was converted to Vishnu Sankranti. Rath Jatra soon replaced Ahom Khongching festival in Ingel (June).

The traditional festival associated with offerings to ancestors in the month of Langban (September/October) was replaced by Tarpan or offering to pritulok. Wakambung Chingnung Nongombi festival was replaced by Dasana Kwaktanba of Durga Puja or Dusserah.

Chanou Hui Chintu, a festival associated with the new harvest was replaced by Goverdhon Puja.

Hindu proselytization brought about an upheaval resulting in dramatic changes in the hitherto self-contained world of the Meeteis and the hill tribes of Manipur.

Prior to the conversion to Hinduism, the Meetei society was totally alien to the concept and practice of caste system. It was fundamentally a casteless society.

One of the tragic implications for the people of this ancient land was to face the ramifications of casteism as the Meeteis including members of the royal lineage were declared Kshatriyas.

The Brahmins who enjoyed exclusive patronage remained a separate caste outside the
Meetei society.

Gradually, the consolidation of this caste system led to the seclusion of the non-Hindu Meetei Lois and the hill tribes and the Shan Buddhists in the Kabaw valley, which was then a part of Manipur.

Casteless society based on traditional Meetei faith had seen cordial relations between the valley people and the hill tribes.

With the widening gap between the valley and the hill people due to steady polarization on grounds of seclusion and ocstracisation practiced by the Hindu converts zealously, intermingling and intermarriage declined rapidly.

For the first time, rules of commensality, concept of pollution and dietary differences began to be used to exacerbate this widening gap.

Increasing practice of casteism led to a widening gap between the people in the valley and the hills. This widening gap consequently weakened Manipur in the face of conflicts perpetrated by forces from outside.


Part VI


Another effect, though short-lived, was the valourization of the heinous practice of Sati.

Although it was confined to the upper class affluent members of the society, it nonetheless witnessed systematic glorification in an effort to percolate down to the level of the common masses.

The zeal and fervor of the newly imported alien faith made its adherents project a glorified image of Sati as wives of princes, Brahmins and noblemen started immolating themselves in the funeral pyres of their dead husbands.

Cheitharol Kumbaba mentions many instances of Sati in Manipur with a note that these were voluntary acts. The first instance was in 1726 A.D when the two wives of Prince Murari immolated themselves in the funeral pyre of the dead Prince.

Other instances are Sapam Khwairakpam's wife committing Sati in 1733, Wahengbam Nongthouba's two wives in 1735 and Keirungba Thanogai's two wives in 1737.

It really needs to be looked deeper as the element of voluntariness associated with these instances might be a deliberate propaganda on the part of the elite in their attempt to glorify this heinous practice. A detailed study and critique of the period may throw a different light on the matter.

The zeal and fervor of the king, the Brahmins and the new converts, who in the beginning were mostly from the feudal class, have been analysed by historians in terms of religious fanaticism. [ 27 ]

As seen from the instances mentioned above, there was a discernible streak of fanaticism involved. The King and the feudal class who followed him had to face stiff opposition in their attempt to push forward the proselytisation process by relegating the traditional Meetei faith.

It has been pointed out that the King forced members of the court to accept the new religion as an early measure. [ 28 ]

Most of them were compelled to follow the King, as they were apprehensive of losing their status and position.

Having thus garnered support of the feudal class the King used state power as an instrument to perpetrate the process of conversion which was never voluntary. [ 29 ]

Widespread dissent amongst the people who strongly resisted the conversion was a serious threat to the King and his legitimacy as a ruler. As mentioned earlier, sections of the populace who made strong objections were displaced through banishment as Lois in the remote areas.

Garibniwaz then proceeded to carry out a series of raids against Burma. He comes out as a valiant and successful military campaigner against the Burmese for whom he became a terror.

The chronicle Ningthourol Lambuba records a number of incursions into Burma where Garibaniwaz indulged in large-scale loot and plunder including destruction of a number of Buddhist Pagoda at the behest of his religious mentor Shanta Das.

The factors behind these campaigns have been a crucial point of several studies. Certain historians have attributed a revenge motive to these campaigns on account of the ill treatment given to Garibaniwaz's sister Chakpa Nakhao Ngambi who was married to the Burmese King.

After the birth of a son, the Burmese King apparently slighted her. In his dying moments Charairongba is believed to have urged his son Garibniwaz to avenge this humiliation. [ 30 ]

Western scholars like Pemberton, through Burmese historical accounts, have attributed these attacks to the fanatical religious belief behind Hinduism which made Garibaniwaz think that he would gain merit and acceptability amongst the people by bathing in the Irrawady. [ 31 ]

However, a critical analysis of the prevailing circumstances, in the wake of the conversion process, point towards the need to evolve a strategy of diverting the attention of the people.

In the presence of widespread dissent and opposition to the imposition of Hinduism, there was a need to mitigate the emerging conflict between the people and the ruling class.

The compelling need to mitigate this emerging conflict between adherents of the Meetei faith and the newly converted ruling elite led Garibaniwaz and his Brahmin perceptor Shanta Das evolve a diversionary strategy by undertaking these military campaigns against Burma.

These campaigns served the twin purpose of diverting the people's attention from the conversion issue and unifying the people at the same time in the face of a series of battles against a rival foreign power.

The conspicuous presence of Shanta Das in all the campaigns gave credibility to the newly imparted alien faith as Garibaniwaz emerged highly successful against the Burmese.

On the other hand, Shanta Das tried desperately to convert the Burmese into his religion admist these invasions. Inspite of repeated attempts he never succeeded in bringing Hinduism into Burma.



Part VII


The uneasy tussle between Hinduism and the traditional Meetei religion persisted even as Garibniwaz emerged successful in converting majority of the people in the valley.

Resistance and opposition to Hinduism erupted in an unprecedented fashion with the assassination of Garibniwaz and Shanta Das in 1748 by a person non other than the King's own son Chit Sai.

As he grew old Garibniwaz retired as a sanyasi abdicating the throne in favour of Chit Sai, a son from his third marriage.

Chit Sai tried to expunge Hinduism from Manipur but he was short lived.

Much as the new religion gained ground, court intrigue and conspiracies associated with the ruling class, who had by now become staunch supporter of Hinduism, were against Chit Sai's attempts to restore the traditional Meetei faith.

His act of committing parricide was used meticulously to fan hatred and opposition against him. A powerful alliance of feudal lords and some members of the royal family succeeded in dethroning him and sending him into exile.

His exile marked the steady consolidation of Hinduism in Manipur.

Apart from historical importance of this clash between the indigenous Meetei faith and the alien Hindu faith, the nature of its impact on the collective experience of the people and its culture needs careful scrutiny.

It was essentially an encounter between two pre-modern, traditional worldviews An uneasy synthesis gradually emerged which lead western scholars like T.C. Hodson comment that Hinduism exist in Manipur solely in its esoteric form without its subtle metaphysical doctrine.[ 31 ]

It is perhaps natural to attribute the modern generation's quest for identity with the persisting tussle between Hinduism and the traditional Meetei faith.

Emerging debates in the arena of cultural studies underscore duality as a distinct feature of the existing Meetei cultural identity.

This duality is moulded by the continuous interplay of two forces -------- the forces of Hinduization on one hand and the indigenization on the other. [ 32 ]

Located at the level of discourse, the two different ontological experiences are woven together in a site simmering with tension arising out of a deep-seated contestation.

Articulating in different languages or practices, the two paradoxically represents a riven terrain in contemporary Manipuri society.

It has been succinctly argued that the Hindu discourse articulates in a language placing itself in the 'great tradition' of the mainstream Indian Sanskritic culture while the traditional Meetei discourse reinforces rootedness in the pre-Hinduised state drawing its strength in oral history, written chronicles, native categories of thought and popular belief.

 Reference ::

 1. Gangumei Kabui. History of Manipur. Vol.I. Pre-Colonial Period (New Delhi: National Publishers,1991) 1

 2. Wahengbam Ibohal Singh. The History of Manipur: Early Period (Imphal: Manipur Commercial Co.,1986)

 3. Gangumei Kabui. Ibid. 34

 4. Chongtham Manihar Singh. A History of Manipuri Literature (New Delhi: Sahitya Akademi,1996) 3

 5. Oinam Bogeshwor. Sanamahi Laikan (Imphal:Manipuri Sahitya Parishad,1972)

 6. W. Yumjao. "Report on Archaeological Studies in Manipur" Bulletin No.1.Imphal.1935

 7. Gangumei Kabui. Ibid. 1

 8. Gangumei Kabui. Ibid

 9. T.C.Hodson. "The Religion of Manipur" Folk-lore 24:518-123. London. 1913

 10. S. Nalini Parrat. The Religion of Manipur: Beliefs, Rituals and Historical Development (Calcutta:Firma KLM) 9

 11. Wahengbam Ibohal Singh. Ibid

 12. Gangumei Kabui. Ibid. 251

 13. Gangumei Kabui. Ibid. 251

 14. Gangumei Kabui. Ibid. 251

 15. S. Nalini Parrat. Ibid. 133

 16. W. McCulloch. "An Account of the Valley of Munnipore and of the Hill Tribes". Selections from the Records of the Government of India, No. XXVIII.

 17. S. Nalini Parrat. Ibid. 135

 18. S. Nalini Parrat. Ibid

 19. R.B.Pemberton. Report on the Eastern Frontier of India. (first published 1835, London, Indian reprint, New Delhi: Low Price Publications,1998)

 20. Gangumei Kabui. Ibid. 239

 21. J. Shakespear. "The Religion of Manipur". Folk-lore 24:409-55.1913. London.

 22. Gangumei Kabui. Ibid. 252

 23. S. Nalini Parrat. Ibid. 146

 24. N. Khelchandra. Ariba Manipuri Sahitya Itihas. (Imphal:Ningthoujam,1969)

 25. Chongtham Manihar Singh. Ibid.

 26. Gangumei Kabui. Ibid. 256

 27. Gangumei Kabui. Ibid and S. Nalini Parrat. Ibid

 28. Gangumei Kabui. Ibid. 259

 29. Gangumei Kabui. Ibid. 259

 30. Chongtham Manihar Singh. Ibid

 31. T.C. Hodson. The Meitheis (first published 1908,London. Indian reprint. New Delhi: Low Price Publications,2001) 96

 32. Rekha Konsam. "Lai Haraoba: Discursive Practices and Cultural Contestations". Eastern Quarterly. Vol.3 Issue III. Oct-Dec. 2005. New Delhi. 206-214


Dr. Thingnam Kishan Singh was recently posted as the the SDO of Kasom Khullen in Ukhrul. Earlier he taught Shyam Lal College (Delhi University) and D.M. College of Arts, Imphal. He was the author of the book "Rethinking Colonialism" (Delhi and Kolkata: Worldview Publishers). Besides contributing regularly in several journals across the country, he was also the editor of the quarterly journal Alternative Perspectives since 2005.

He was found brutally murdered on Feb 17, 2009.



SOURCE:

 www.e-pao.net

Thursday, February 12, 2009

...beyond evolution

At 200, Darwin Evolves Beyond Evolution


  

Darwinyoungold

Two hundred years after Darwin's birth, the theory of evolution is still evolving — and finding relevance in realms far outside the biological.

Evolution is being scaled up to the level of populations, even whole ecosystems. Moreover, scientists say evolution is intertwined with other dynamics in ways science is just starting to understand.

"The process of evolution is fundamental to the universe," said Carl Woese, a University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign microbiologist and one of the first proponents of this newly revised evolutionary framework. "Biology is the most obvious manifestation of it."

Darwin described how changes in an organism are  passed from generation to generation depending on their contribution to survival. Biologists later combined this with genetics, which hadn't been discovered in Darwin's time. 

The fusion — called neo-Darwinian evolution — describes evolution as we know it today: Genetic mutations produce changes that can become part of a species' heritage and, when enough changes accumulate, produce new species.

It's one of the most powerful descriptions of the world dreamed up by humans, central to understanding the natural world and applicable to engineering, economics and even software design.

But to Woese and other scientists, neo-Darwinism isn't so simple. Change and selection need to be studied at other levels — and there are lots of big, unanswered questions.

Bacteria, for example, engage in what's known as horizontal gene transfer: Genes drift from one microbe to another without any need for reproduction. What this means for microbiology isn't yet clear, let alone biological history — how did multicellular organisms evolve, anyway? But it's hugely important to figure out.

Another mystery is the tendency of some genes to mutate at unusually high rates. The driver appears to be a process called biased gene conversion, which goes against the notion that evolution is driven by beneficial adaptations. Natural selection still operates on its outcome, but is not driving the process itself.

Scientists are also studying evolution at levels beyond the single organism. Some insect colonies — ants and honeybees being the best-known examples — can be collectively regarded as individuals, known as superorganisms

Superorganism dynamics are still a mystery — how, for example, does a colony evolve different traffic rules? — but they may apply to other ecological collectives, including human societies.

When taking this macro-scale approach, some of the trickiest non-Darwinian evolutionary phenomena become apparent. Properties emerge at critical points — known as saltations — in complexity, but again can't be explained by mutation and selection in a sub-unit of the whole. 

Superorganisms, for example, are sometimes the only way to make sense of phenomena like eusociality, in which individual insects care for offspring unrelated to them. 

Another example of this may be the jump from unicellular to multicellular life; another may be the fantastic forms taken by human societies in a networked age, with millions of once-isolated people linked by data networks whose visual representations are uncannily similar to the neural connections of a brain.

Evolution has moved not only beyond the individual, but beyond the biological. It is being used to understand the transition of a few primitive compounds to the chemical building blocks of life. Somewhat more pertinently, language seems to evolve towards efficient, easily propagated linguistic constructs.

Applying an evolutionary framework to language may seem strange, but at least it's relatively simple. Cultural evolution, on the other hand, may be just as complicated as biological evolution.

Selection and mutation — and whatever other biological analogues apply — may act simultaneously at the levels of the meme, of traits like boat design or tool use, and of entire bodies of thought. 

What, exactly, is a cultural organism — and how does its evolution affect the development of, say, individual humans and their community, which itself might be an organism?

Maybe by the time Darwin turns 300, we'll have some answers.



At home with Darwin... 200 years on



Charles Darwin's home, Down House , in Kent, is set to reopen to the public this week with a new permanent exhibition marking the bicentenary of his birth.

The country mansion has been closed for renovations, but the house and extensive gardens have now been restored in a project led by English Heritage.

Many of the rooms contain original furniture and artefacts giving a true flavour of Darwin's life as a country gentleman, family man and scientific revolutionary.

Charles Darwin (Getty Images)
Darwin moved to Down House in 1842, and stayed until his death

Darwin moved to the village of Downe with his wife Emma in 1842, six years after returning from his famous voyage on HMS Beagle. He lived and worked there for four decades, until his death. It was here that he wrote many of his groundbreaking works including On The Origin of Species.

His great, great granddaughter Sarah Darwin, a biologist at the Natural History Museum in London, is hugely impressed with the results: "It's very evocative. I think you get a very strong feeling of his family life here," she said.

"He was living and working at home and you can imagine the noise his children would have made. The house would have been very alive with people and ideas."

Potting balls

Professor Sir Barry Cunliffe, chairman of English Heritage, said the new £1m exhibition - on the first floor of the house - aimed to bring the man and his ground-breaking theories to life.

Darwin's study
It was here that Darwin wrote On the Origin of Species

"It places Down House firmly on the international map as one of the world's most important scientific heritage sites."

The exhibition combines rare original material with hi-tech displays and a multimedia tour narrated by natural history filmmaker Sir David Attenborough and the broadcaster Andrew Marr.

There is a full-size recreation of Darwin's cramped cabin during his long voyage on the Beagle.

The ground floor includes several rooms that provide insights into Darwin's life as a family man and a ground-breaking scientist.

Billiard room
Down House was a family home as well as a place of study

Darwin potted balls in the billiard room with his butler. The dining room includes the original Wedgwood dinner service that Darwin inherited from his mother Susannah Wedgwood.

In another room is the piano played by Darwin's wife, Emma, who was taught by the famous composer Chopin. And on top of the piano are a pair of plant pots - Darwin used to have his wife and children play music to earthworms and study the effect it had on the creatures.

Space and peace

The gardens and greenhouse have been restored too and Sarah Darwin said they played a critical role in Darwin's life and work.

"l think having the space, having the countryside literally on the doorstep enabled him to go out into the field and look at things," she explained.






Wednesday, February 11, 2009

my view...

God is a noun



Different religions have very different ideas of what 'god' is like; they even disagree about basic issues such as how many gods there are, whether they're male or female, and so on. Even after centuries of effort, nobody has come up with a watertight logical proof of the existence of god. In spite of this, however, people often feel that they can logically prove that god exists.

Unfortunately, reality is not decided by logic. Even if you could rigorously prove that god exists, it wouldn't actually get you very far. It could be that your logical rules do not always preserve truth – that your system of logic is flawed. It could be that your premises are wrong. It could even be that reality is not logically consistent. In the end, the only way to find out what is really going on is to observe it. Logic can merely give you an idea where or how to look; and most logical arguments about god don't even perform that task.

Logic is a useful tool for analyzing data and inferring what is going on; but if logic and reality disagree, reality wins.

For me, god is a cynical noun – it's not a proper noun nor a common noun. It is also a simple noun which names a quality or idea. 

For example, take the adjective beautiful, place the word the in front of it like this, the beautiful and beautiful is no longer an adjective; it is now a noun. Example: "The beautiful is worthy of admiration".

Likewise, when
ABC brags he could get a job in NDTV/STAR easily without any source/reference, a highly egoistic person would bite that ABC will do it for he is god (according to believers, god is someone who knows everything – one who has the solution to everything. So, ABC is someone who acts like a god, though he may be the biggest moron in this world.) in short, god is a word to name a quality (distinctive attribute or characteristic possessed by someone or something) or an idea (1.  a thought or suggestion as to a possible course of action : they don't think it's a very good idea.

• a concept or mental impression : our menu list will give you some idea of how interesting a low-fat diet can be.
• an opinion or belief : nineteenth-century ideas about drinking.
• a feeling that something is probable or possible : he had an idea that she must feel the same.
2 ( the idea) the aim or purpose : I took a job with the idea of getting some money together.
3 Philosophy (in Platonic thought) an eternally existing pattern of which individual things in any class are imperfect copies.
• (in Kantian thought) a concept of pure reason, not empirically based in experience.) 





Tuesday, February 10, 2009

Cyber media

Number of alien worlds quantified

Green Bank telescope (AP)
We are likely to be listening for a long time, even if there are many worlds

Intelligent civilisations are out there and there could be thousands of them, according to an Edinburgh scientist.

The discovery of more than 330 planets outside our solar system in recent years has helped refine the number of life forms that are likely to exist.

The current research estimates that there are at least 361 intelligent civilisations in our Galaxy and possibly as many as 38,000.

The work is reported in the International Journal of Astrobiology.

Even with the higher of the two estimates, however, it is not very likely that contact could be established with alien worlds.

While researchers often come up with overall estimates of the likelihood of intelligent life in the universe, it is a process fraught with guesswork; recent guesses put the number anywhere between a million and less than one.

"It's a process of quantifying our ignorance," said Duncan Forgan, the University of Edinburgh researcher who carried out the work.

In his new approach, Mr Forgan simulated a galaxy much like our own, allowing it to develop solar systems based on what is now known from the existence of so-called exoplanets in our galactic neighbourhood.

These simulated alien worlds were then subjected to a number of different scenarios.

If alien life forms do exist, we may not necessarily be able to make contact with them, and we have no idea what form they would take
Duncan Forgan
Edinburgh University

The first assumed that it is difficult for life to be formed but easy for it to evolve, and suggested there were 361 intelligent civilisations in the galaxy.

A second scenario assumed life was easily formed but struggled to develop intelligence. Under these conditions, 31,513 other forms of life were estimated to exist.

The final scenario examined the possibility that life could be passed from one planet to another during asteroid collisions - a popular theory for how life arose here on Earth.

That approach gave a result of some 37,964 intelligent civilisations in existence.

Form and function

While far-flung planets may reduce uncertainty in how many Earth-like planets there are, some variables in the estimate will remain guesses.

For example, the time from a planet's formation to the first sparks of life, or from there to the first intelligent civilisations, are large variables in the overall estimate.

For those, Mr Forgan says, we will have to continue to assume Earth is an average case.

"It is important to realise that the picture we've built up is still incomplete," said Mr Forgan.

"Even if alien life forms do exist, we may not necessarily be able to make contact with them, and we have no idea what form they would take.

"Life on other planets may be as varied as life on Earth and we cannot predict what intelligent life on other planets would look like or how they might behave."


Do you believe that there is intelligent life out there and what form do you think it may take? Do you think there has been or ever will be any form of contact between earth and extra-terrestrial life?
Here is a selection of just some of the comments you've made on this story.

Why would an intelligent (extra terrestrial) life form want to contact this war,conflict,disease and starvation ridden mess we call planet earth?
Pete, London

It's hit and miss. Like billiards. But one day they shall find us or we shall find them. Hope I live long enough.
John, Ukiah, CA. USA

No question of belief. It's a fact that aliens have been visiting Earth for last several thousand years. Many of our technologies are gifts from them. It is a different matter that our Governments and some our scientists are in constant denial. Maybe this is their policy or perhaps the aliens have asked them to keep their identity secret in lieu of technical inputs given.
Shailendra Singh, Mumbai

There will be most certainly be vast amounts of intelligent civilizations out there. The only problem is the vastness of space itself. Light itself takes hundreds of thousands of years to travel across our own galaxy and travel it doesn't get any faster than that, as Einstein taught us. The idea that extra terrestrial life would be anything like us, like 95% of the extraterrestrials in science fiction books and films are bipeds, is far flung. They might just be 'intelligent shades of the colour blue' for all we can tell at this time. Or around an inch tall. Or experiencing time 50 times as slow as us. Communication could be quite a challenge. If we recognize them for what they are in the first place.
Dirk Jan, Rotterdam, Netherlands

There is life out there, that's for sure. In the same space, if earth can have life why not in other planets in different solar systems? I don't think we'll ever be able to contact them.
Chas, London

The probability seems high to me given that conditions seem possible for intelligent life in a large number of planets in our own galaxy. Multiply this by the number of galaxies in the universe(s) and I guess we are talking about certainties, but communicating with them seems most unlikely given time differences and lack of technology. Fascinating!
David, Hong Kong

I love the rich speculation here. By the articles own admittance, there is no idea of how many Earth-like planets exist. And yet, scientists say there could be 361 intelligent civilisations in our Galaxy alone. Silly math. Brilliant! Upon further investigation out of this fairy tale you'll discover the only planets that have been verified are Jupiter-like planets. Huge gas planets. Want to live there, folks?
Sven, CA, USA

The vastness of space is in itself a question. Taking the Earth as a standard case in this expieriment is showing of how small our perception truely is. Intelligent civilization in the universe is a definite. Whether or not contact can and will be made is only matter of infinite variables. Perhaps the greatest extra-terrestrial contact will manifest itself in ruins.
Daniel Franco, United States

My friend spoke of a B47 pilot who in 1963 described a disc-shaped object that approached his aircraft, flew in formation, then accelerated at a speed he could not match. The pilot did not make an official report because he did not want people to think he was crazy and lose security clearance. The co-pilot independently verified the incident. Reports like that can be multiplied by the thousands. They fill the literature and those who follow them up often verify that witnesses are credible and intelligent. The characteristics of the vehicles have been documented; they are consistently described from one experience to the next. In short, yes, and yes there has been contact.
Richard Thieme, Milwaukee, WI, USA

Culture vulture

Underwear protest at India attack

A poster of the underwear campaign
The group has already attracted more than 5,000 members

Indians outraged at an attack on women for drinking in a bar have gathered together to send a provocative gift of underwear to right-wing activists.

More than 5,000 people, including men, have joined the Facebook group, which calls itself the Consortium of Pub-going, Loose and Forward Women.

The group says it will give the pink underwear to Sri Ram Sena (Army of Lord Ram) on Valentine's Day on Saturday.

It was blamed for the bar attack in the southern city of Mangalore last month.

Pramod Mutalik, who heads the little known Ram Sena and is now on bail after he was held following the attack, has said it is "not acceptable" for women to go to bars in India.

He has also said his men will protest against Valentine's Day on Saturday.

'Shocking'

The Consortium of Pub-going, Loose and Forward Women, which was formed on Facebook last Thursday, has also exhorted women to "walk to the nearest pub and buy a drink" on Valentine's Day.

A spokeswoman for the group, Nisha Susan, told the BBC it was giving chaddis (Hindi colloquial for underwear) as they alluded to a prominent Hindu right-wing group whose khaki-shorts-wearing cadres were often derisively called "chaddi wallahs" (chaddi wearers).

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Indian television crews caught the attack on film

"We chose the colour pink because it is a frivolous colour," she said.

Ms Susan said the group expected to collect at least 500 pieces of pink underwear from all over the country and send them to Mr Mutalik's office in the southern city of Hubli.

"It's a choice between ignoring a group like Ram Sena or responding to its activities. We have decided to give it attention, but it is attention which it will not like," she said.

The group has asked people to mail or drop underwear at "collection points" across the country.

The Ram Sena has not yet commented on the group's moves.

Last month's attack in Mangalore, which was filmed and then broadcast on national television, shocked many Indians.

Pramod Mutalik
Mr Mutalik has said his men will protest against Valentine's Day celebrations
Television pictures showed men chasing and beating up the panicking women. Some of the women, who tripped and fell, were kicked by the men.

Around 30 people, including Mr Mutalik, were later arrested.

Women's groups strongly condemned the attack, which was described by the country's Women's Minister Renuka Chaudhury as an attempt to impose Taleban-style values.

The Hindu nationalist BJP government in Karnataka state distanced itself from the attack. It said it had nothing to do with Sri Ram Sena.

But our correspondent says that right-wing Hindu vigilante groups loosely linked to the BJP are active in many parts of India and have in the past targeted Muslim and Christian minorities as well as events such as Valentine's Day.









www.bbc.co.uk

Insurgency

India asks Yangon to act promptly on info on N-E insurgents

Mandalay, February 09 2009: Nursing serious concerns over operations of north-eastern insurgents, India on Sunday asked Myanmar to act promptly on information about their activities in its territory as the two sides agreed on a slew of measures to jointly tackle the menace.

"We stressed the importance of timely action by Myanmar on the information given by us on the insurgents in Myanmar territory," Minister of State for Defence M M Pallam Raju told Indian journalists accompanying Vice President Hamid Ansari who arrived in Mandalay on the last leg of his visit to the country.



A graphic map showing the Indo-Myanmar border along the territory of Manipur


He said while the two countries already have an intelligence-sharing mechanism, what was important was timely and effective action by Myanmar in addressing India's security concerns.

Raju, who was a member of the Indian delegation led by Ansari in the talks with Myanmar's top military generals in the last two days, said India has already helped Myanmar by improving the infrastructure on its side of the border.

The Border Road Organisation (BRO) has upgraded the road on Myanmar territory and provided them with some communication equipment, the minister said.

Ansari, who is on a four-day visit to Myanmar, met head of the country's military junta Gen Than Shwe and other top leaders to give a fresh impetus to security, trade and economic ties between the two countries.

Replying to a question, Raju said there was no discussion on joint or coordinated action by security forces of India and Myanmar against the insurgents.

He said the two countries have agreed on the need for more frequent meetings at the field level to combat the insurgents and maintain peace at the border.

The meetings have been taking place but it was felt by both sides that there should be more frequent meetings between security forces of the two sides, Raju said.

The Minister said the action taken by Myanmar against the insurgents was showing results on the ground and both the sides hoped to keep up the momentum of cooperation on the security front.

India strongly articulated its security interest the talks with Myanmar leaders, he added.

The remarks by Raju assume significance in the wake of reports that northeastern insurgents have begun to move to Myanmar from Bangladesh in the wake of a change of government in that country.

Than Shwe yesterday assured Ansari that Myanmar would not allow its territory to be used by the ultras to target India.

Ansari, who travelled here after offering prayers at the tomb of last Mughal emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar in Yangon, will tomorrow inaugurate an optical fibre link between Moreh town and Mandalay.

The Vice President will visit the Mandalay Palace and a pagoda on Monday before returning to Delhi.




Source: The Sangai Express/PTI


Monday, February 9, 2009

Historical moorings...


The Historical, Archaeological, Religious & Cultural Significance Of 'Kangla': The Ancient Citadel Of Manipur


by Padmashree N.Khelchandra Singh


1.Tracing Origin Of Kangla In Pre-Pakhangba Or Khaba Era:

The legendary `Kangla' complex had been the capital of Manipur from the very ancient times down to 1891. Its present remains would show that it used to enclose the old royal palace-cum-citadel right since the reign of the legendary Pakhangba who ascended the throne in 33 A.D according to Cheitharol Kumbaba, the royal chronicle of Manipur. However as per archaic Manipuri language records like Panthoibi Khongun etc even in pre-Pakhangba period a petty clan, named Khaba, ruled from Kangla by constructing their palace in some part of the Kangla before the reign of Pakhangba of the Ningthouja clan (see Notes 1 & 2 below).

However much it might prove an ideal site for excavation it could not so far be undertaken. Its significance lies thus not only in its 19-century long sway as seat of monarchy and political power but also having in its periphery some very important archaeological remains, spots, ponds, insignias and icons for various traditional functions, cultural ceremonies and religious worships. There are a number of ancient treatises specially Sakok-lamlen, Chinglon Laihui, Nunglon, Kanglei Layat, Kangla Lon (Kangla Houba), written by Ashangbam Laiba in the 5th century A.D., specifying even the thumb rules for construction of Kangla. As per historical accounts, those rulers of Manipur belonging to Ningthouja clan strictly followed such prescriptions of ancient text for construction of the Old Palace and Kangla.

2. How Pakhangba Became The God-King of Manipur?

Some stone inscriptions and tantric accounts as well as historical records have rendered a credulous halo to glorify Pakhangba as a God-king of Manipur anointed at Kangla by none other than the Guru Sidaba himself (the indigenous counterpart of the Hindu Supreme Lord of the Universe). Beliefs still run high among local pandits that after creating the universe (as then conceived to be limited to Manipur), the Guru Sidaba asked all his three sons to traverse the four ends of the Earth, so that the one who would come back first after completing it could be handed over the reins of monarchy through a proper coronation at the Kangla coronation slab placed over a cave - believed to be the mythical crater of a volcano. Both the eldest (Asiba) and the elder son (Atiya Sidaba) went away to perform their assigned task as per ground rules, but the youngest (Konjin Tingthokpa) remained behind. Even after being reminded by Guru Sidaba of the task, the youngest did not proceed along but said: 'None else can match my exalted father, Guru Sidaba. So I shall circumambulate the four corners of my father's throne.' Saying this, the youngest covered the throne periphery and prostrated before Guru Sidaba, asking for the throne.

Quite naturally the eldest and elder sons reached back much later on. Guru Sidaba therefore anointed the youngest as Nongda Lairen Pakhangba (Nongda or God-sent; Lairen or mythical Snake-empowered; and Pakhangba or Pa = father + Khangba=one who knows the real father). Because of his divine power to be able to move about at night as dragon he is also known as Sanahing Pakhangba. And all Rajas of Manipur have since used the dragon (snake-like long body, symmetrically coiled in four corners in loops with both the tail and hooded head raised in unison at the top, and with the central portion of the square signifying the sanctum sanctorum) to represent the royal insignia.

The coronation myth signifies that: first, through a process of selection of the imperial head only the most competent or the most intelligent successor need be coronated; second, the most travelled (or exposed to the `universe' knowledge) would then be deemed the most intelligent; third, where not actually travelled, the second-best criterion is to know the 'father', his principles and tenets, which the contender is to continue as a successor to the God-father; fourth, using modern rocketry terminology, father is the launcher, sending up the son, as it were, a rocket which need have all the systems (qualities) and softwares convergent to the launcher-father; and fifth, this secret of knowing the father (Guru Sidaba) as the second best way of educating oneself is a secret known to a few e.g. the mother (Goddess Laimarel). The power and value of universal knowledge is equated to 'Guru-knowledge'.

Further, various traditional ponds, caves, the particular coronation-stone slab, and other sacred spots in the Kangla periphery have so long been associated with Pakhangba or yet other associated cultural ceremonies and religious functions, customs and traditions. There is another version, deeply engrained in current belief, of the mythological tradition of Pakhangba becoming Manipur's God-King. As per this variant, Guru Sidaba had two sons viz. the younger Yabista; and the elder Sanamahi; and that Guru Sidaba himself tried to test their wits by himself floating on the river as a dead bull. While the elder failed to recognize the carcass the younger could recognize it and hence was rightfully called Pakhangba (one who knows one's father), again at the instance of the father-knowing Queen-mother.

Deeply engrained in the coronation myth is yet another policy of Guru Sidaba _ the silkworm policy of slowly but slowly absorbing and assimilating different clans or ethnic groups to spin out the superfine silk fibre _ an altogether different and quite an unique brand. As enthralled in the Chinese interpretation and belief, Shanshi policy means imperial power would remain in the hands of the one who could come up slowly and gradually by absorbing and assimilating the other ethnic groups within the banner of the Guru or God-father. And beef probably became a taboo _ a new taboo for all the clans who became the sons of the same God-father in Manipur. With their firm adherence to travel as the most practical means to educate the self in the Manipur of yore, and with their use of the cow or bull energy for wet-farming in ancient Manipur, it is least surprising that the draught animal (cow or bull) be deemed worthy of preservation, veneration and estimation, next only to man himself.

The codification of the law of succession also became consolidated by virtue of this myth. Other cults used to exist then: e. g. the Golden people's cult; the ancestor cult; the cult of worshipping the sun, moon and nature; the cult of worshipping the spirit of the lake or of the hill; etc. But all these continued as diverse family cults, while the Guru cult became the imperial cult at the Kangla hegemony. Perhaps this duality in beliefs _ Guru cult for the apex nationhood and customs and traditions for family life _ was the most pragmatic way of evolving a monarchy in that ancient state of life.

Yet another myth-associated icon of Manipur kings used to be Kangla-Sha (twin-horned dragon as shown in an actual photograph published in T.C.Hodson's The Meitheis (1908) (Photoplate:2-4) whose sculptured statues at the entrance of the royal Palace (UTTARA) used to be the place of pride (holiest of holy) for all royal ceremonies, and had earned a place among even ancient sportspersons. For instance, each runner's headlong attempt in race Lamchel is to outrun others and ultimately jump up and touch the Kangla-Sha first as finishing point. Later period references by E.W.Dun would indicate a peaceful and settled life in Manipur devoted, among others, to games and sports:

"This Lamchel was a competition between the different "Pannas" or classes among the Manipuri population. The Brahmanas, as also the lowest class of Manipuris, the Lois, were not allowed to compete, but Mussalmans were allowed. The distance run by the competitors was a straight course from the brick bridge (near the capital) to the inside of the Raja's enclosure; the distance was below half a mile. The first of the races consisted of trials of speed by two pannas at a time. The winners in these races ran again when all had their trial, and the swiftest man won the race of the year. The winner in the final race received as reward sundry presents, and was excused from all forced labour or Lallup for the rest of his life�The winners at the preliminary trial races between the Pannas were allowed three months' exemption from Lallup. These races caused great competition, and for months before they came off, various lanky-looking men�might be seen morning and evening trotting along the roads, getting themselves in training for the important event."1

T.C.Hodson opines that Charairongba, who ruled from Kangla from 1697 to 1709 was the last in the Pakhangba line, and that, with Garib Niwaz alias Pamheiba who ruled thereafter, the Kangla throne reverted to the descendents of Sanamahi. Right from Pakhangba down to Raja Loitongba (1122-1150) succession had been by the law of primogeniture, and even afterwards by own brothers of Loitongba, his brother Iwanthaba, Puranthaba, Khumongba, Telheiba etc. But by 1666 Khunjaoba died issueless, and his adopted son, Paikhomba, also died without leaving any male child in the line, when Charairongba, a son of Paikhomba's younger brother, came to the throne, prima facie passing on the kingship to another line. However there is no conclusive proof thereof, except that a new era began in Kangla lineage with Garib Niwaz alias Pamheiba who ruled from 1709 to 1748 A.D. by which time Manipur kingdom reached a new high in terms of splendour and prosperity (see Chapter 5A: sec. 9).

Since the earliest time, the king would be respectfully called Meidingu by his beloved courtiers and subjects. Yet other equally reverential forms of address of the king are Leimaba, Leimapu, Lainingthou (King of Gods) and Ningthem. In fact, Raja is the title endowed by the Britishers as per Aitchison: "You are hereby granted the title of Raja of Manipur, and a salute of eleven guns."2 The Sanad was dated 18th September,1891 by H.M.Durand, Secretary to the Government of India. Incidentally, it was much later on after successful operations of W.War I in 1918, that Aitchison shows another entry "I hereby confer upon your Highness the title of Maharaja as a hereditary distinction for your services in connection with the War,"3 duly signed by Lord Chelmsford, Viceroy and Governor-General of India (1916-21).

3. Origin of The Manipuri People:

Latest effort to trace the origin of Manipur in the Stone Age through recent archaeological finds (Phunan ware, Tripod ware and Corded ware) has thrown enough light on the earlier held legendary brief on the present Manipur culture and population having descended from the Late Choukoutien of China (see Chpt.3 ). R. Brown puts the then ongoing riddle quite succinctly:

"The origin of the Manipuris is obscure, and the written records having mostly been composed since they became Hindus, are not worthy of much credit. From the most credible traditions the valley appears originally to have been occupied by several tribes, the principal of which were named Khumal, Luwang, Moirang, and Meithei, all of whom came from different directions. For a time the Khumal appears to have been the most powerful, and after its declension the Moirang tribe. But by degrees the Meitheis subdued the whole, and the name Meithei has become applicable to all. Some persons who studied the subject with great attention have rejected their claim to a Hindu descent. One officer formed his opinion that they are descended from a Tartar colony from China. Another imagines them to be descendents of the surrounding hill tribes."4

In fact, both theories might thus now appear partly, if not wholly, true if for instance they could be deemed to have first come along the newly formed land-bridge from China and initially settled in the hills, whence one after the other, some have left for the valley and become valley-dwellers. Of course having remained in the hills the hill-men continue to belong generally to an `inferior order of civilization,' according to R.Brown in Statistical Account of Manipur "because their manual productions are few, rude and unimportant; they have no written character of any kind, and their general intelligence, except in rare instances, is very low. Their reputed truthfulness is believed to be much exaggerated, and the more intelligent of them can lie when occasion serves."5 At least this was the state of affairs during the reign of Maharaja Chandrakirti (1850-86), during whose tenure R. Brown worked in Manipur as a Political Agent.

4. Coronation at `Kangla Men':

The more respectful alternative to address the king is to refer to the Phambal Minghul or the coronation name derived from whatever the king would catch or conquer at the traditional Phambal Lal, "an excursion of the king before the coronation (or Phambal Tongba or Men Tongba)."6 Before coronation the designate-king is ordained to proffer clothes for deities and even to live with the royal deity, `Yumjao Lairembi' for five days according to M. Jhulon Singh.'' As a tradition Angom Piba or clan would offer royal robe for coronation, itself attended, among others, by all his Naga Chiefs. Kaomacha7 records that in 411 A.D the coronation ceremony of King Naokhamba was performed by the 64 Phamdous and other nobles, as per `Phambal Lon' or Manipuri Puya.

While clan Arambam would wash the royal feet, Ashangbam clan would pour water over the royal body. Similarly Taorem would cleanse royal teeth, while Toijam clan would blow the bugle sitting on the elephant, as the Raja would proceed to the coronation hall. The lustral water for Raja's pre-coronation bath and use in ceremonial rituals would be collected from seven sources of sacred rivers. These 64 Phamdous would have different specific functions at the coronation. For instance, if one of them is assigned to hold the ceremonial sword, the others would either attend to the king while yet others sing the glories of the new king. It was amidst such pomp that the king would formally ascend the Kangla Men or throne placed above the traditional crater inside which the mythical serpent(s) remain posited. So as to become blessed by the seven magico-legendary Phapan (coiled rectangular formation with tail inside its mouth), the coronation used to be held as per legendary stipulations preceded by hectic preparations as also followed by many festivities in honour and perpetuation of the new raja and his consort.

The coronation itself used to be a many-splendoured thing even in those days of yore with all the clan heads, Phamdous and other nobles, royal family members, tribal chiefs etc. attending, and offering obeisance and tributes. However the Naga dress of the king as coronation robe has made some authors like James Johnstone to comment: "There can be little doubt that some time or other the Naga tribes to the north made one of their chiefs Raja of Manipur, and that his family, while, like the Manchus in China and other conquerors adopted the civilization of the country, retained some of their old costumes. This is shown in the curious practice at the installation of a Raja, when he and the Rani appear in Naga costumes; also that he always has in his palace a house built like a Naga's, and whenever he goes he is attended by two or three Manipuris with Naga arms and accoutrements."8 The synthesized view is of course that the Meiteis have their ancient origin in China, although they seem to differ from the hill-dwelling tribals in having been the earliest category of `dispersed tribals'.

As Commander-in-chief of the army, cavalry, and navy (river fleets) he was to become the real war leader. As incarnation of the legendary icons, he became the Chief Priest of the kingdom just like the heads of the other clans were the chief priests in their respective domains. His appearances as the High Priest of the State would of course be limited to such occasions as natural calamities or prolonged droughts. Then as the chief priest he would beseech the Supreme Being with some specific prayer at Nongmaiching hillock to the east of Imphal after having sanctified himself prior to such religious ceremony according to the Cheitharol Kumbaba. Or else, the Raja and Angom Piba might compete each other so that rainfall may occur. On later occasions, the same Cheitharol Kumbaba9 would record another form of praying to the Rain-God by milching one hundred and eight cows in the temple of Shri Govindaji's temple (still in vogue).

5.Lallup & Panna Systems As Introduced By Pakhangba:

All the seven erstwhile principalities of Manipur became united under Pakhangba as the overlord. However, T.C.Hodson10 would doubt if the Moirang principality enjoyed independence even as late as 1413 A.D. Likewise even the Angoms and the Khumals would be doubted. But the otherwise irrefutable fact used to be the warring nature of all seven principalities, wherein such overlordship might easily be challenged at a particular point of time, thereby necessitating reclamation on behalf of the overlord. The upshot is however that Pakhangba attained unprecedentedly superior position over ancient Manipur.

The significance of Pakhangba's reign lies in his bold attempt to turn the tide against joint family system by introducing Lallup (forced male labour in return for land-use) and to also restructure the then disorganized society in his kingdom into four Pannas or divisions and consolidate the system of administration, including stationing of 400 regular militia always available in Kangla. Lallup or forced male individual labour per se has been described by Brown as 'an institution�of the greatest consequence to the people of Manipur.'11

And this system of Lallup 'was first introduced, it is said, in the reign of Pakhangba, and it has undergone little change since.' For it remained in force till the Britishers overran Manipur and abolished it while introducing land revenue system based on permanent land settlement to farmers so as to realize land revenue with which modern administration with proper budgeting could be had. A brief account of Lallup as perceived by none other than Brown is thus in order:

"The general system of lallup is based on the assumption that it is the duty of every male between the ages of 17 and 60 to place his services at the disposal of the state, without remuneration, for a certain number of days in each year�.The number of days thus placed nominally at the disposal of the state is ten days in every forty. This ten-days-service is so arranged that a man works his ten days and has an interval of thirty with regularity all the year round. On an individual coming of age to perform Lallup, he is entitled to cultivate for his support one purree of land, subject to the payment in kind of the tax to the raja. In the case of permanent illness or disability, a man under sixty may be excused from labour, but notice must be given and the authorities satisfied of the true nature of the case."

"In the event of an individual wishing to escape his turn of duty, he must either provide a substitute or pay a certain sum, which sum goes to pay for a substitute if required, or the rest of the lallup may agree to do the extra duty receiving the money. In no case does the money paid for exemption go to Government. A payment of twelve annas will, it is said, exempt a man for forty days. Over every Lallup or class of labourer independent of number is an officer named the "Lakpa" who is responsible for the performance of the prescribed duties. There is no lallup for women."12

To summon all these lallup to the Kangla at the king's command, a big royal drum (Kangla Pungjao) had to be beaten five times to herald invasion by attacking enemies or declaration of war. Subsequently cavalry unit would be utilized to inform the people and gang up the lallup. Every able-bodied countrymen had to report running to the Kangla.13 Such signal used to play a vital role, as the palace had very few regular infantry. After 1627, the Kangla drum was replaced by gunshots. McCulloch describes the Manipur Royal Army as 'militia'. L.W. Shakespeare comments: "The Raja's army was of the nature of a militia 3,000 strong, of whom 400 men at a time were embodied for a year's service, after which they were changed for others, so that in course of time all in the militia received military training."14

6. Growth of Kangla As a Fortress City Through The Ningthouja Clan:

Kangla, the most sacrosanct place in the Manipur polity, is situated at the heart of the Imphal City, almost at the intersection of 24o N. latitude, 94o E. longitude at an altitude of 2,619 ft. above sea level on the western bank of the Imphal river as it now stands. (Photoplate:2.1) Much earlier when Kangla was first constructed, the Kangla was standing on the eastern bank of Imphal river, and its old dry bed is still evidenced on the approaches to the Kangla. However, the river course had been shifted towards the present course i.e. to the east of Kangla for security considerations.

By virtue of its being the only fountainhead of all political and religious firmament, the Kangla had grown into a formidable fortress city through those over-eighteen-centuries of its existence spanning both the ancient and mediaeval period. It is from this capital that the Ningthouja kings gradually wielded enough political and military power in the 16th/17th century as to become the predominant monarchical dynasty in the history of Manipur. And naturally during their successive resplendent reigns they had built up Kangla as would befit the kingdom of Manipur. The royal chronicles give many references to the construction of the Kangla by various successive reigning kings during their respective reigns, each eventful in diverse ways.

Some major landmarks in the Kangla fortress were constructed by king Khagemba (1597-1652) and later by king Garib Niwaz (1709-1748). The chronicle records that in 1632 Khagemba constructed a brick wall at the western gate of the Kangla fort. It appears that the art of brick-making was acquired from the Chinese prisoners of war who were captured during the Chinese invasion of the western frontier of Manipur. His son, Khunjaoba (1652-1666) improved on the fortification and beautification work of the Kangla fortress. It is this very king who excavated a moat (Thangapat in Manipuri) on the western side of the fort, whose authentic description was given by Mrs. Grimwood:

"The whole palace was fortified. Five walls surrounded the Maharajah's enclosure... But the inner ones were very strong, built of brick and supplied with bastions, and they surrounded the inner palace on all four sides... The whole citadel was built with a view to resisting attack... it was a place which could easily be held against an attacking force, provided big guns were not brought to bear upon it."15

Another landmark in the growth of Kangla fortress was during the reign of Garib Niwaz who developed the royal citadel, most probably to defend against the Burmese invasion. Vijoy Panchali, which was written in Bengali by Kritichandra and two others during the reign of Bhagyachandra in 18th century, and were translated into modern Manipuri by Laishram Mangi Singh and Longjam Mani Singh,16 gives a literary account of the palace of Garib Niwaz, giving an idea of what was the royal grandeur of Kangla during the reign of this illustrious king which marks the climax of military and political power of Manipur. Kangla, the nucleus of the fort consisting the raja's palace, temple, houses of the noble, the British Residency etc. along with the market and the base villages then comprising the present capital area has been lucidly described by R.Brown:

"The Sadr station or capital is called by the Manipuris Imphal, which simply means a large collection of house; in it resides the raja and the chief officials, the political agent, &c. This village, for it is nothing more, covers a large extent of ground and contains a population estimated at 35,000. The houses are constructed of wood and bamboo; some of them, however, especially within the enclosure where the raja resides, are of large size and height. Of brick buildings there are very few, and comprise the raja's powder magazine, a gateway, a curious pair of symmetrical buildings forming part of the sides of the road leading through the center of the raja's enclosure, and of the object of which no account can be given, and a few Hindu muts (temples) scattered here and there throughout the capital."

"The Imphal (town) and its suburbs are divided into four sections, viz. Khoai, Khurai, Oangkhei, and Jaskul. Each of these sections has its own thana, and again each thana has its three hidels or parganas, all of which are subject to the orders of the officer in charge of the sections. The number of houses in section Khoai are 2,267; Khurai 649; Oangkhei 703; and Jaskul 2,118; in all 5,737. Allowing on the average of five persons to each house, the population will be 28,685."17

If the Imphal population of 28,685 persons for the year 1873 is compared with the total valley population of 50,000 as estimated by McCulloch for the year 1859, and 65,000-70,000 for the year 1868, the rural population would be less sparse compared to Imphal which would be roughly heavy. Significantly enough, the population would cover Mayangs, Mussalman and foreigners. (Also see Chpt 11: Sec. 3.)


7. Kangla-Centric Prosperity Of Ancient Manipur:

Ancient Manipur used to have a well-settled and prosperous population, as island of prosperity in the midst of nomadic and thinly-populated hamlets which may be metaphorically called a 'desert'. Both politically and culturally the valley population were superior people almost as "oasis of civilization among head-hunters, aborigines and predatory and warring neighbours." Astrology used to be known to them. Manipuri Brahmins were good astrologers, many such used to grace the Court of the legendary Burmese king, Alaungpaya. Manipuris were also fine horsemen, with their superior cavalry skill shown in war or in sport such as polo.

As already stated, Manipuri kings kept a regular cavalry unit, besides elephant corps. In addition, the Raja used to be the fountain of honour since Pakhangba's time. Pakhangba would himself honour with a flowing royal garb (Ningthou-phi) all those showing bravery in war and in catching wild animals, which apparently prowled the then Manipur causing immense threats to common people and their cattle. The prosperity of ancient Manipur may be easily inferred from the spoils handed over by Manipur to Ava as described by Michael Symes after Burmese invasion in 1771:" ...the spoils, consisting chiefly of merchandise, and vessels of gold and silver were forwarded to the golden feet, together with 2,000 prisoners of both sexes."18

The raja used to render liberal patronage to all kinds of sport, be it Lumchel (race), or wrestling, or dance, or Haochongba (Hill-Valley dance festival, separately dealt in Chapter 4 below), or even Heeyang (boat race). In particular the victor as in wrestling would bow and salaam the raja, after having asserted his superior position in the art. Personally blessing the victors with honorific robes, garments, turban etc. by the Raja would generally give the galvanizing touch to keep the events alive and more and more competitive and in the process encouraging hectic all-round preparations from the participants. In particular, Kaang-sannaba is an unique indoor event with girls/young women taking leading roles, thereby standing out as concrete evidence of gender status, despite polygamy being common among royal and noble families. Kaang-sannaba, is itself alluded by R. Brown19 as 'game as peculiar to Manipur as that of hockey-on horseback.'

This Heeyang would of course be conducted in a specific portion of the moat around the Kangla, as further described by R.Brown:

"The boat-races occupy five days in September and take place on the moat which surrounds on three sides of the raja's enclosure. This ditch is about 25 or 30 yards broad, and at the season when the boat-races come off contains plenty of water. This festival is the most important held in Manipur, and great preparations are made for it; stands are erected on both sides of the moat, the one for the raja being of considerable size and height. The women occupy stands on the opposite side of the moat. The boats used in the races are two in number, of great length, and hollowed out of a single tree; the rowers number about seventy men each with a short paddle. �� There are no rewards for the races, they being rowed merely for the honour of the thing. The raja in his boat, which is like the others, but ornamented with a carved deer's head and horns gilt at the prow, accompanies the race, the raja on the chief race day steering his own boat in an ancient costume�On each of the five days devoted to the boat race, important hockey matches take place." 20

Just to put the specific significance of Kangla in the right perspective over time, brief highlights are given of some selected successors of Pakhangba:

663-1467 : Naothingkhong to Ningthou Khomba: Raja Loiyumba (1074 - 1112 A.D.), a direct successor of Pakhangba, unified the entire Manipur (hills and plains). While hill villages were forced to pay tribute, he divided the valley into four pannas or circles for administrative purposes. He introduced division of labour among people. Every person, even if one-eyed or one-legged, was required to perform his own duty as per traditional code of conduct called Loiyumba Shinyen, also known to posterity as the first written constitution of Manipur. This constitution had been in force for as long as 8 centuries till 1891 with some modifications from time to time.

This Loiyumba Shinyen embodies the theological and legal traditions and customs that were followed by Manipur rajas before raja Meidingu Loiyumba, which formed the backbone of early Manipur polity, land tenure system, administration of justice, and social organization, besides throwing sidelights on various aspects of ancient Manipur society.

Each panna was required to send to the king a team of workers to work for the state. Each team was called lallup. The lallup duty used to be compulsory for every male between 17 and 60 years of age. It is a form of tax made over to the king in the form of service (labour).

1597-1652: Khagemba: Despite intrigues from his brother Sanongba, Raja Khagemba repelled Mughal (post-Akbar/Jehangir attack), and captured Mayangs. Also conspicuously repelled the Chinese attack in 1630 (according to T. C. Hodson; but J. Johnstone refers to 1250 as date of Chinese invasion, while Vijay Panchali records it as 1588), hence became better known as (Khagi = China + Ngamba = victor) or Victor of China. However he annihilated the Chinese and assumed the title 'Divine king who defeated the Chinese.' He also overran Samjok Kyang and Tripura (1633-34). Khagemba constructed the major landmarks in the growth of Kangla Fort. The royal chronicle records that in 1632 A.D he got a brickwall constructed at the western gate of the fort. It appears that the art of brick-making was acquired from the Chinese prisoners captured during the Chinese invasion of the eastern frontier of Manipur.

He took great pains to reconstruct the country; established ten bazaars; introduced use of turbans, palanquins, silver caps, tobacco-smoking (1610); reformed the scale of measurements of land and paddy since in vogue till recently; the economy prospered remarkably; gold collected from river-beds (1623); constructed many forts and dug many rivers; built temples (1617, 1632); improved the salt-mines; introduced method of paddy trans plantation; introduced coarse rice (taothabi) for utilizing swampy/water-logged land; encouraged writing in Meitei scripts; sent his brother Khwairakpa to China (1631); refugee Brahmins and Yogis from Moghul tyranny sought his permission to permanently settle in Manipur _ which was allowed; improved judiciary system.

1652-1666: Khunjaoba: Upon his ascension Khunjaoba improved on the fortifications and beautification works of the Kangla fort. He was a lover of peace; constructed two bunds; dug a moat before the brick-wall in front of the Kangla palace; dredged the Nambul river (1665); improved Khwairamband bazaar site; collected immense booty _ cows, buffaloes, elephants etc after overrunning Samjok, Kabo valley, Mangsataba (1657); but died childless, hence adopted Paikhomba, his own brother's son. Burmese kings/chiefs approached him to settle all their disputes and to beg the hands of Manipuri princesses in marriage. The power, prestige and glory of Manipur was at its peak.

1666-1697: Paikhomba: Reclaimed jungles in Imphal valley to accommodate the alarmingly rising population; killed tigers and wild animals; selected Langol for animal combat as a form of amusement; spearing tigers to death after combat; had commercial and political intercourse with Burma; horses, elephants etc from Kabaw valley were his prized possessions; beat Shan chief Paikhu - hence became much better known as Paikhomba. Also well-known for his severity in awarding capital punishment to those stealing Khamen-chatpa or silken garment worn by king's noble. Hence theft became much less frequent.

1697-1709: Charairongba: The first raja of Manipur to be formally initiated to Vaishnavism; constructed a brick temple of Lord Krishna at Brahmapur, Guru Aribam, which still exists in good shape; many Brahmins entered Manipur during his time; yet practiced tolerance to other religions; allowed construction of Kali temples in his tenure; came into close contact with Burma; gave his own daughter in marriage to Ava king (1702); Extended cordial relations to and personal friendship with particular eastern hill tribes. Established many departments (loishangs), including Haomacha Loishang (for his son Pamheiba & other hill people) and Shangai Senba (for maintenance of royal household); crimes very limited because of his severe punishment; put down Tooshuk (a hill tribe) uprising in 1709; died soon afterwards under mysterious circumstances.

1709-1748: Pamheiba or Garib Niwaz: The fort was further improved and also enlarged by king Garib Niwaz. He attacked Burma many a time; extended his sway to the walls of Ava by storming gates and stockades; but last attempt to conquer Ava was dropped on account of some bad omen; defeated Takhels (Tripuris); and abdicated in favour of Ajit Sai, who got him assassinated; Manipur in those days saw lot of intrigues and plots; hence assassinations quite usual; Bharat Sai compelled brother Ajit Sai to vacate the throne in his favour; Bharat Sai ruled just for one year; the then throne passed into the hands of Gourashyam _ the eldest son of Sham Sai; but Gourashyam made an arrangement with his younger brother Jayasimha to rule for five years each; The joint rulership lasted till 1749.

1759-62 & 1763-98: Chingthangkhomba or Bhagyachandra or Jai Singh: This worthy grandson of Garib Niwaz left behind his footprints in the quicksand of time as the only king who almost single-handedly succeeded in driving away the Burmese and recovered the Manipur kingdom _ an endeavour he succeeded after repeated efforts just like the legendary Robert Bruce. Time and again he was either defeated or had to flee Manipur and take shelter in Cachar or Ahom. But ultimately his grit and cool determination prevailed. Fortunately the Burmese menace subsided because first Alaungpaya died in 1760 and six years thereafter in 1766 his son Hsin-byu-hsin also died. During his remaining rule Bhagyachandra devoted all his energy in recasting the Manipuri society on a firm religious firmament and innovated various dance forms _ which later became world-famous as Manipuri dance.

1821 & 1825-34: Gambhir Singh: This most capable among the fugitive Manipur princes in Cachar joined with the British and was instrumental for establishing the Manipur Levy of 500 men. That was the most critical moment in Manipur history when the Burmese menace (1819-25) spurted since Bhagyachandra's time. This time the dissension arose out of the refusal of Manipur king Marjit Singh (1813-19) to attend the coronation of Bagyidaw, the new Burmese king (1819-38), and the timber-cutting excursions made by Manipur in Kabo valley. Ultimately Gambhir Singh drove away the Burmese from Manipur upto the western bank of the Ningthee river in 1826, when the British defeated the Burmese and concluded the Treaty of Yandaboo in February, 1826, whereby Gambhir Singh became king under the Treaty.


8. Desertion of Kangla During The Burmese Assault:

However, since the reign of Bhagyachandra (1763-1798 A.D.) due to repeated invasions by the Burmese the Kangla was deserted time and again when the capital was shifted somewhere else. The Kangla declined as a result of repeated foreign invasions during this period. After the first Anglo-Burmese War, which brought to a close the Chahi Taret Khuntakpa or (Seven Years Devastation), Maharaja Gambhir Singh did not locate his capital at Kangla, having reestablished his capital at Langthabal, also known as Canchipur. During the reign of Nara Singh, the capital was shifted back to Kangla in 1844. Thus since the middle of the 19th century Kangla was again made the capital fort of Manipur till 1891 when Kangla was occupied by the British, both the Maharaja's palace and Shri Govindaji's temple shifted to the present site.

Near the royal Palace in the strategic Kangla compound itself there was the residence of the Political Agent since 1835. The Residency was a thatched one, built of wattle and daub (mud-plastered network of rods and twigs). Gurdon was the first occupant of the post. To the west of the Kangla lies the Sanakeithel, or the main marketplace of the capital where produces of both valley and hill Manipur used to be marketed mostly by women vendors. When Britishers became interested in sending out cheap rice from Manipur for provisioning the Kohima garrison as well as the railway construction workers for the upcoming rail network in the tea-growing lower Assam area, they brought in some merchant traders who have also thronged nearabout the main marketplace (cf. Chapter 11: Sec 8).

9. Details Of Kangla Fort From The Various Annals:

In this connection one is tempted to reproduce direct reportings/accounts of contemporary British officers as truthful description of the then Kangla fortress. Quoting a pen-picture of Kangla by a military officer, Capt. E.W.Dun21:

"In the center is the Raja's enclosure or it is called 'Pat' (Bengali word for Kangla). Every road converges upon it and it is in every sense the heart of the city and of the country. The Pat is the only portion of the town which possesses any serious attempt at artificial defence. It is surrounded by a moat 20 yds. broad and 6 ft. deep at the deepest part, near the western gate (Photoplate:2.2). During the cold weather this moat only contains water round the southeastern and southwestern corners. It is divided into sections by the bunds over which the roads pass as they enter the four gates. The water round the southwestern angle can be drawn off by a culvert (now closed up) and partially filled up, cutting across the main road which runs along the edge of the moat outside it."

"Inside the moat there is a 10-feet berm crossed by thick traverse at fifty yards interval. The bank inside the berm is constructed of earth. It is about 20 ft. thick at the base, has a ramp and loopholes for musketry fire, but has no arrangement for securing flanking fire. The portion above the level of the ramp is about 4 feet thick. For 150 yards at the northeastern corner the earthwork has disappeared. In rear of the open space left by the river on the south face there is a mud wall, the inner enclosure similar but smaller in profile by the outer one. The western entrance has a strong brick gateway and a door in two leaves. They are closed like the flats of a threat rescue and by means of horizontal beams attached to them at the back and working in female screws. There is a small brick gateway at the southern entrance but no door. At the eastern and northern entrances there are wooden gateways and doors. The national temple (Photoplate:2.3) and the Raja's and prince's house, built of brick are situated inside the Pat. The roofs were of thatch including that of Residency and the Maharaja's house was roofed with corrugated iron sheets. There were several temples built of brick. One of the palaces had an iron roof, another gilded. In the front of the royal residence stood the statue of the mythical beast, called "Sha"(Beast) by the Manipuri and Dragon by the British.(Photoplates: 2, 4 & 5) At the western gate which was the entrance stood, as Johnstone observed, "a quaint and picturesque old gateway, not beautiful characteristic of Manipur." Maharaja Chandrakirti constructed a 'tawdry and fantastic structure with the corrugated iron 'roof'. Opposite this way on the right hand side, royal proclamations were flogged in the presence of the public which was the spectacle of foreigners."

The presence of foreigners as mentioned hereinabove by Dun portrays the spectacular majesty naturally commanded in that era by Manipur Raj. There was a big square in front of the western gate. This square was a parade ground where a division of the army could march. The banks of the moat (the present Kangla Park) and said square were places of rendezvous. Opposite the gate was the famous Sanakeithel (Royal Market) where womenfolk sat in long rows on raised banks of earth without any shelter except the umbrellas.

All sorts of commodities and articles are sold and bought in this market. To the west of the bazar across the Nambul river was the great bridge. It was a massive structure. It has a 20 feet roadway with 2 feet bounding walls. The breaks were according to Capt. Bunn 'very soft and bad, and in spite of its massive appearance it could be easily destroyed.' The relatively less known fact about Chinese military campaign against Manipur shows how the Chinese empire became interested in Manipur. Regarding the Chinese military invasion Sir James Johnstone mentions:

"About the year 1250 A.D a large Chinese force invaded the country, and was signally defeated; all who were not killed being made prisoners... a number of them were settled at Susa Rameng (Kameng) in the valley, where they have still descendents. The Chinese also taught the art of brickmaking and erected two solid blocks of masonry in the palace between which the road to the Lion Gate passed. These blocks were levelled with the ground by the Burmese invaders; but rebuilt on the old foundations by Gambhir Singh."22
10. The Intricate Kangla System:

Just before the British conquest of Manipur in 1891, Kangla which was referred to as the Manipur Fort was bounded on the east by the Imphal river and on the west, south and north by the deep moat. "Inside the brick-walled enclosure were located Cheirap (civil court), Garot (criminal court), Durbar Hall, Sagol-sang (cavalry), Samu-sang (elephant unit), and all other loisangs (offices). It would be accessible from all the four directions through Kha-thong (southern gateway), Nongchup-thong (western gateway) (Photoplate:2-2), Awang-thong (northern gateway), and Nongpok-thong (eastern gateway). Besides these gateways at the entrances, there used to be some other gates, viz: Chingsaguthong (Teak-door after Chingsu or teak), Sana-thong (Royal Gate), Chirai-thong, Hogaibit-hong (Chinese gate with parallel brick walls later destroyed during Burmese invasion) Lak-thong (Dragon-gate), Nupi-thong (female gate) etc. _ the most important of them being Sanathong lying on the west. This very Sanathong lies to the east of the moat and the parallel road (now known as Indo-Burma road)�In fact an area of 20 acres, inside the old Kangla site (one square-mile) north of the Imphal river had been given revenue-free for lifetime to one 'lion-hearted Hafiz' who helped the Britishers with essential supplies", according to the Manipur Administration Report.23

Inside the Kangla there used to be a rectangular late mediaeval period temple of Shri Govindaji (Photoplate:2, 3) made of bricks and Burmese teak rafters with a portico, a sanctum and covered circum-ambulatory path. Some of the floral designs still exist in stucco. This temple was destroyed by the great earthquake in 1868 A.D but Raja Chandrakirti reconstructed the temple by using the same bricks. Further R.Brown records that in the earthquake at three minutes past five in the evening on the 10th Jany.1869 the raja's two-storied brick house was destroyed along with the residency during the 'at least one-and-half minute' long 'convulsion':

"A very short experience of this wavy motion sufficed to settle the fate of my house; after swaying about and creaking and groaning for a brief space, the upper storey, built of wood and bamboo, settled down with a crash on the lower walls, which fortunately, although much fissured and thrown out of the perpendicular, withstood the pressure. Almost immediately after the fall of the house the motion ceased, and I was enabled to regain my feet, and see what damage had been done... A glance at the rajbari close by showed me that the raja's pucka house was in ruins, with many other less substantial buildings�On the morning after the occurrence of the earthquake I visited the rajbari and other places to witness its effects.. In the fall of the raja's two-storied brick house, a most substantial and ornamental building, and which had only been finished five years ago, I regret to say four women were crushed to death and a number of people wounded. The raja's loss in property was very great, and is not yet fully known; he is especially sorry about his muskets, number of which, but recently received from Government, have been irretrievably destroyed..."24

11. Final Assault On Kangla - The Anglo-Manipuri War Of 1891:

The first battle of the Anglo-Manipuri War of 1891 was fought when the British forces under order from J.W. Quinton, the Chief Commissioner of Assam, attacked Kangla, the Manipur Fort, in the early hour of 24th March 1891. Then Manipur was an independent Asiatic power in alliance with the British Sovereign. This aggression led to the war and ultimately Manipur was conquered by the British on 27th April, 1891. To give a short description of the assault on Kangla: two British columns under Lt. Brackenbury of the 44th Gurkha Rifles and Capt. Butcher of the 42nd Gurkha Rifles went to arrest Jubraj Tikendrajit Singh of Manipur within the fort enclosure of Maharaja's palace. Lt J.Chattertone of 42nd Gurkha Rifles was also sent with a party to take the west gate of Kangla.

This sanguinary battle was fought on the very spot of the moat and northern wall Manipur Fort in 1891. The mode of British attack on the morning of 24th March,1891 was: Lt. Brackenbury with 30 rifles of 44th Gurkha started first before daybreak and made his way along ordinary road to the north entrance of the fort so as to escape along the Kohima road. There was no gate to be forced on that face as the outer wall of the fort was in ruins and the moat itself dry. Following Lt. Brackenbury at short interval, Capt. Butcher with 70 rifles of the 42nd Gurkhas moved from the camp and crossed the moat on the west face where the water ceased, and rushed to Jubaraj's house. Lt Luggaro with 40 rifles (20 men of the 42nd and 20 rifles of the 44th) was to support that party. Lastly Lt Chatterton with 50 rifles was detailed to capture and hold the west gate of the outer enclosure. In this manner, British troops attacked the house of the Jubaraj. But the Jubaraj was not found.

Thereupon the British army committed atrocities on men, women and children and even destroyed idols in the sacred temple of Brindavan Chandra. But Pukhramba Tanka Singh resisted bravely and died bravely with sword in hand. After fighting for some time the enemy occupied the house of the Jubaraj by killing three boys by shooting. They set fire to the houses of neighbouring villagers. Entering into the temple they smashed the idol and all other articles along with it. Then they burnt houses, destroyed idols and killed boys and girls, cows etc. Having tied up the hairs of two girls together they threw them into the fire and got them burnt. Men and women, children from the enclosure of the Jubaraj had run into the citadel of the Maharaja and severe fighting continued the whole day. But the British operation ended in complete failure. Lt. Brackenbury, 44th Gorkha Rifles, Subadar Hemchand, 44th Gurkha rifles, one Havildar and some other sepoys were severely wounded.

12. The Climactic Aftermath - Beheading Of Quinton & Others:

Under the circumstances, the Chief Commissioner wanted to make peace with the Manipuris. At about 8 o'clock the bugle sounded 'cease fire from the British side.' J.W.Quinton, the Chief Commissioner of Assam, Mr. Grimwood, the Political Agent in Manipur, Lt. Simpson, Mr. Cossins and a bugler of 44th Gorkha Rifles came to the palace to hold the subsequent durbar that fateful night. In the durbar held in front of the durbar room Tikendrajit Jubraj said that he had been badly treated in having his house surrounded and his people killed and he protested strongly against it. The Jubaraj and Thangal General asked them to give up their arms. The Chief Commissioner replied that they could not give up their arms as they belong to the Government. Then the durbar broke up.

When the British officers returned towards the residency, a door near the dragons about 50 yds. from where the durbar was held was shut suddenly. The British officers were hammed in by the excited and infuriated people whose near and dear ones had been killed and hit with the butt ends of their own rifles. Lt. Simpson was severely wounded. When so hustled, the British officers came running back to the durbar room. As Mr. Grimwood, the Political Agent, reached the durbar hall, Nepra Koot gave him a push and Kajao alias Pukhramba the bugler were taken to the green space in front of the dragons and beheaded by the executioner. That very night the British troops at the Residency fled towards Cachar carrying the dead body of Lt. Brackenbury, shot in action by the Manipuris when the enemy attacked in order to arrest Jubaraj Tikendrajit.

On the tomb of Lt. Brackenbury in the old church, Shillong, the above action is recorded as: "Brackenbury (killed in) action with the (Manipuris on) 24th March, 1891... years... is erected: Other Officers.. And Native." As soon as the news reached the British Government, columns of British were sent to Manipur from Kohima, Silchar (Cachar) and Burma. A severe battle was fought at Khongjom and Manipur fell into the hands of the British in the morning of the 27th April, 1891. On the reverberations of that in Bengal in particular, N. Sanajaoba25 quotes J.Roy:

"The Meitei revolts during 1700-1891 were led primarily by the princes or persons close to the throne. The revolts were led on different occasions by Ajit Shah, Goura Shah, Khelemba, Chourajit, Marjit, Heerachandra, Gambhir Singh, Debendra, Kanhai, Gokul, Borachaoba, Wangkheirakpa, and Tikendrajit. The Kuki, Kabui or ethnic incursions also were common occurrence although the Meitei king controlled them with a firm hand. Every national awakening has an inspiration from a god-father; Bengal had inspiration from the valiant Anglo-Manipuri War, 1891. A Bengali historian, J.Roy correctly writes in his History of Manipur: "The stand taken by Senapati Tikendrajit and his martyrdom continued to be a source of inspiration to the revolutionaries of Bengal for a long time" (p.133). Truly it did not merely enlighten the Bengalis but others too."


13. Demolition Of Kangla By Brigadier General Collett:

As soon as the British troops occupied Kangla, the Officer-Commanding of the Field Force, Brigadier-General Collett issued orders, among others, to disarm the population and over 4,000 firearms were surrendered and broken up. Of this number, about 100 were from the hill tribes. As per 'Manipur', Brigadier-General Collett, the leader of the three British columns advancing into Manipur, received order dated 13th April, 1891 to demolish part of the Manipur Palace, whereupon he got many Kangla landmarks demolished. Mention in this connection may be made of the demolition of: Two Kangla Sha, Snathong, Chiraithong, Hogaibithong, Shri Govindaji's Mandap, and gold-plated roof of Govindaji's temple, Jaipur marble slabs earlier acquired by Maharaja Chandrakirti for construction of Shri Govindaji's temple.

On 29th April, 1892, the Britishers formally investitured to the gaddi of Manipur 5-yr. old Churachand Singh, son of Chowbiyaima and great grandson of Raja Nara Singh and afterwards sent him to Mayo College, Ajmer, for formal education and themselves carried on the regency administration till 15th May 1907 when Raja Churachand assumed charge of the British-run Manipur administration. A new Palace (Photoplate:2.6) at Wangkhei Leikai had been built to the southeast of the old Kangla complex. Raja Churachand Singh is credited to have constructed and dedicated the present brick temple of Shri Govindaji (Photoplate:2.7) at the new Palace compound, after inaugurating it on Monday, the 14th November, 1910 A.D. "The opening ceremony of the newly built temple dedicated to Govindaji, the god of the royal family, was made the occasion of a special national ceremony."27 Since then the temple has become a place of pride for Manipuri Hindus in general, and a sacred place of pilgrimage for all Vaishnavas of the entire Eastern India, as also tourist attraction for many other persons, religious-minded or otherwise. The temple is now managed by Shri Govindaji Temple Board constituted under Shri Govindaji Temple Act, 1972, passed by the Manipur State Legislative Assembly. Important annual festivals and celebrations are:

Cheiraoba (Charak Puja); Basant Rasa (held on full moon of first Meitei month, Sajibu); Akshya Trithiya (Shri Krishna Chandan Jatra); Jalakeli (on full moon of 2nd Meitei month, Kalen); Snan Jatra (on full moon day of 3rd Meitei month, Inga or Ashar); Rath Jatra (of Shri Jagannath) (Photoplate:2.8); Kanglen (punar Jatra of Shri Shri Jagannath); Hari Shayan; Jhulan Jatra; Krishna Janmasthami; Baman Janma; Durga Puja; Mera Wakhinba jagoi (Kunja Rasa); Mera Shayan; Govardhan Puja; Gostha Asthami; Shri Govinda Abhisek; Hari Uthan; Hari Shayan; Waphukpa Jagoi (Maha Rasa); Tila Sankranti; Shri Panchami; Shiva Ratri; Yaosang (Phaguwa).

14. Post-1891 Status Of Kangla:

After the conquest of Manipur by the Britishers, Manipur Fort or Kangla, the symbol of ancient administration, culture and tradition situated right in the heart of the capital of Manipur was taken over by the British occupation forces. It was made the temporary Hqs. of the conquerors and later on of the 4th Assam Rifles and still later on of the 17th Assam Rifles. During the Second World War it served as the Allies' Hq. and the Supreme Commander General Slim used to live in one of the cottages there.

Recognizing its significance in terms of having many historical relics and holy places, Kangla (now having a net area of 236.62 acres, excluding the post-Independence-constructed swimming pool at the southeastern corner) has been handed over by the Central Government to the State Government on 20th November, 2004 i.e. after 113 years of occupation by the British rulers and the Assam Rifles in a historic ceremony by Lt. General Bhupinder Singh, Director-General, Assam Rifles to the Chief Minister, in the presence of the Prime Minister of India, Dr. Manmohan Singh. Since then the State Government has appointed a Kangla Fort Board in December, 2004 with Manipur Chief Minister as ex officio Chairman and N. Khelchandra Singh, Sairem Nilbir, R.K.Jhalajit Singh and O.Kumar Singh (all contributors) as members and further with Director, Art & Culture as Ex-officio Member-Secretary.

The Centre had already released Rs 5 crore for the development and restoration work of the Kangla monuments. The restoration work, since taken up by International Council of Monuments & Sites (ICOMOS) at the historic site, include reinstallation of the two Kangla Shas and the State emblem near the entrance of Uttara. The conservation work of the partly-crumbled Shri Govindaji's temple at the historic Kangla site near the old palace (destroyed by the British) is completed. The roof of the said temple and some portions of the temple had crumbled in July 2003 whose restoration could not have since been taken up pending the final handing-over of the site to the State Government. At the instance of the Kangla Fort Board, the State Government decided to allow the observance of all the key religious and traditional functions such as Pakhangba Cheng-hongba, Mera Haochongba and Hiyang Tannaba (Boat race) inside the Kangla just as in the days of yore. For that purpose it decided to construct a new Pakhangba temple as well as a mandop in respect of the Kangla Shas (Uttara) so that all these essential functions could be held in a proper manner.

Having all through been a protected area under the control of Assam Rifles, its archaeological remains have not still been culled and subjected to any systematic study of 'the (human) past' by sociologists, geologists, historians, archaeologists, environmentalists and natural scientists. For instance, much geological interest lies in the inside structure and contents of the mythical cave whereupon a slab has been placed for placing the Kangla Men gaddi. And such added significance will become known only after intensive study.

15. Iconic Symbolism Of Kangla:

All the relics, imprints and traces left behind by Manipur history have attained spiritual status on account of the glories of Kangla reeled out during contacts with parents and grandparents, family gossip (within family memories); epic heroic sagas passed down through folk music, legends, epics, old photographs, folk memories, museums, and old buildings (beyond family memories). In fact, the legendary Kangla icons have left such imprints severally through passage of time that stand out as symbol of human past preemptively breathing down right through the neck of the gullible present generation as if trying to steer onto the right course. Such iconic symbolism proceeds along the abstract rather than utilitarian dimension of knowledge. Such problem-solving approach has been emphasized by Marwick:

"The human past enfolds so many periods and cultures that history can no more form one unified body of knowledge than can the natural sciences. The search for universal meaning or universal explanations is therefore a futile one. History is about finding things out, and solving problems, rather than about spinning narratives or telling stories."28

However all the body of unified knowledge associated with Kangla, as such, need not be appreciated in isolation but as something from which the fallible present flows and which will no doubt continue onto the future as a continuous process. In retrospect, the ruins of Kangla remains 'haunted by history'; and so it will remain till the entire ancient history is re-laid on a sound pedestal.

Whatever one thinks about myth (history), it is hard to speak of the now desolate Kangla on the western edge of Imphal river without using the word 'haunted'. Because, two millennia ago Kangla rivalled Byzantine as one of the trading posts on the South Silk Route. At its height the Manipur capital's central citadel 'square-mile' did serve as the power centre: from which radiated all the main roads traversing the capital in all directions; and to which the entire nation did look up for guidance, solace, advice, order and all the radiance and glory.

Kangla transcended over time as one of the 'command and control' centres to 'connect and collaborate' with the then world. Besides being a centre of cultural, political and administrative decisions, it thus used to be the backbone for ideas emanating from kings and his advisors, as well as traders, preachers etc. The current crippling psychological dilemma of modern Manipur is: What to do with the extraordinary experience that made Manipur an important Southeast/South Asian monarchy upto mid-19th century, but left it practically helpless against Western imperialism, another half century later?

On a realistic assessment, 'Kangla' has many definite dimensions and values resonating from its walls, moats and structures. Still in ruins, Kangla is out there 'no longer to define, enclose and exclude' values within the confines of its walls, but to 'aim at regeneration, stability, nationhood and control'. Harking back, one finds that these very walls and moats failed, as of then; because time and again the Burmese marauders, among others, found a way round, more or less 'flowing like water, along the path of least resistance.' The British in particular proved much more vandalistic. The key question is whether Manipur knows what value now to defend, and delineate its future.

Undeniably, it is a symbol (navel) of embattled but technologically proud Manipuri nationhood. As such, it is very much relevant to today's purpose to hold it aloft as alive and kicking.Yet in a deeper sense, it is not that relevant. For today's challenge is very different from the one at which Kangla failed.

16. Monuments, Historical Sites & Remains In Kangla:

Generally speaking, Kangla thus embodies a living museum of art, events, ideas and institutions of ancient Manipur, laid bare through an unpolluted vivisection of rows of historic serenity. Particularly for a traditional Manipuri it signifies the very inspirational source, and original site of iconic grandeur in terms of almost all the ancient Manipuri traditions, cultural festivities and religious celebrations _ much more than its magico-legendary stature, which is left to be appreciated by historians of Manipur. Kangla is however only one of many other sites of pre- or proto-historic importance and therefore chronologically of much earlier significance in Manipur history, which flourished elsewhere in: Songbu cave, Machi, Khangkui cave, Nongpok Keithelmanbi, Napachik, Laimanai, Tharon cave, Napachik, Phunan, Laikoiching, Nongdam, Huikap, Uchon, Nongmaiching, Etham, Tangkhul Khullel, Keihao Khullel, Sangshak, Tangkhul, Tangkhul Hundung, Charumanak, Kharou Khunou, Pallel, Bukpi, Singmun, Hanship, Awangkhul, Purul, Kampal, Singtam in the Manipur hills. And archaeologists are pointing to a near-certainty that prehistoric ancestors of the present day valley-dwellers as well as hill-dwellers settled in these caves. Hence Kangla has to be appreciated as only one such archaeological preeminence spread out breathtakingly exposed for anyone to capture its living grandeur over the hitherto preserved Kangla periphery _ west of existing Imphal river.

i) Ruins of the Citadel:
The residence of the Manipur Maharaja, the site of the coronation (33 A.D.) of God-king Pakhangba; and many other secret places of worship. Some portion of the brick enclosure wall which was constructed during the reign of Khagemba (1597-1652 A.D.) still remains.

ii) Ruins of the 'UTTARA' (Coronation Hall):
1. Only the brick steps remain. Construction of Uttara in 1551 S. E. is referred to at page 26 of Cheitharol Kumbaba - the royal chronicle of Manipur. On the occasion of the installation of Maharaja Churachand Singh the Administration Report of Manipur State (1907-08) cites: 'The installation ceremony took place in February in the Uttara, the ancestral coronation hall of Manipur Raja'(p.1). Subsequently the building was destroyed in the Second World War. The brick steps and ruins of foundation are still intact. Photograph of the building, as such, is at T.C.Hodson's The Meitheis: London 1908 (p.24) under the caption Nongsha and Kangla.

2. The two pedestals where the two brick-made Nongshas (Dragons) stood in front of Kangla Uttara facing west still remain. As already reported, before daybreak on 24th March,1891, without declaring war under orders of J.W.Quinton, the Chief Commissioner of Assam, the British troops attacked Manipur Fort, the royal citadel of Manipur. On the night of the same day (24th March, 1891) four British officers, J.W.Quinton, the Chief Commissioner of Assam, Lt. Col. Skene of the 44th Gurkha Regiment, Mr. Cossins, Assistant Secretary to the Chief Commissioner of Assam, Lt. Simpson of the 43rd Gurkha Regiment and a bugler were beheaded by the public executioner in front of the Nongshas. After the conquest of Manipur on 27th April, 1891, the Nongshas made of brick were blown off by the British on Monday, the 14th day of Inga - lunar month (June-July), 1891 A.D., vide Cheitharol Kumbaba p.493. Photos of the Nongshas appeared also in History Today, Jany 1962, London (p.52), besides Hodson's The Meitheis: London: 1908 p.124.

3. The old brick temple of Shri Govindaji in Kangla was constructed and dedicated by Maharaja Chandrakirti Singh in 1869 A.D.29 It is a rectangular late mediaeval period made of brick and Burmese teak rafters with a portico, a sanctum sanctorum and covered circumambulatory paths. Some of the floral designs in stucco now exist. Cheitharol Kumbaba records that the bricks (11"x5"x3") used in the temple were made during the reign of Maharaja Gambhir Singh (1825-1834 A.D.) at Langthabal, another capital of ancient Manipur, about 4 miles away from Kangla (Imphal). Maharaja Gambhir Singh died on 9th January, 1834 at Langthabal so he could not construct the temple. But when Maharaja Nara Singh came to the throne in 1844 the bricks from Langthabal were brought to Kangla and in 1845 the brick temple of Shri Govindaji was constructed and dedicated in the name of Maharaja Gambhir Singh (Ref. Cheitharol Kumbaba p.270). But this temple gave way in the great earthquake of 1868 A.D.(Ref.Cheitharol Kumbaba, p.382). After the fall of Kangla the British removed in 1892 the marble slabs paved in the temple and sold them in public auction on Monday the 21st day of Hiyangei, 1897 and the gold leaf of the dome was also removed by the same British.30 The Beithop of Shri Govindaji's temple was constructed in 1855 A.D. The ruins of the Beithop i.e.Victorian brick pillars, Burmese teak rafters and some masonry works still exist. It lies on the eastern side of the old Shri Govindaji's temple.

iii) Site of Shri Govindaji's Mandop:
The Mandop was constructed and dedicated to Shri Govindaji for performing religious ceremonies, sankirtanas etc. for the Manipuri Hindus. During the reign of Maharaja Chandrakirti Singh (1850-1886) the foundation-stone-laying ceremony of the Mandop was held on Thursday, the 7th day of Manipuri month of Poinu 1778 S.E. (Ref. Cheitharol Kumbaba p.332). A photo of the Mandop is at p.102 of T.C.Hodson's "The Meitheis' London 1908 under the caption "Natch Ghar" and of Govindaji. After Manipur fell, stood also demolished this very Mandop much earlier constructed and dedicated by Maharaja Chandrakirti Singh on Friday, the 5th day of the Manipuri month Thawan (July) 1814 SE31 in a grove of trees towards the south-west of Shri Govindaji's temple. Some trees of historical importance of the time of Maharajas of Manipur are still standing as if still serving Lord Govindaji although uncared for since 1891. The entire area of Shri Govindaji's temple, Beithop, Mandop, Ras Mandol are since reconstructed and protected by the Archaeology Department.

iv) Site for Ras Mandol:
The world famous Manipuri Ras dance used to be held in an open place separately decorated and arranged in a grove of trees in a place towards the southwest of Shri Govindaji's temple. Some trees of historical importance since the early Maharajas are still standing, which need protection along with temple, mandob remains etc.

v) Polo Ground:
Polo is the national game of Manipuris. The game is said to have been introduced during the time of King Kangba of Manipur. To quote a few lines from L.M.I. Singh32: 'The motherland of polo is Manipur. Manipuri Puran says, in the mythical time it was played by Gods�. In the historical age it was played on the occasion of recognizing Laisna as the wife of Pakhangba in or about 33 A.D.' Further Capt. Pemberton writes: 'The national game of hockey which is played by every man of the country capable of sitting on a horse renders them all expert equestrians; and it was by men and horse so trained, that the princes of Manipur were able for many years not only to repel the aggressions of Burmahs, but to score the whole country east of the Irrawaddy in the heart of the capital of Ava.'33 As per Encyclopaedia Brittannicia: 'Polo also flourished in India in the 16th century. Then for 200 years its records in India cease till in 1863 polo came into Bengal from Manipur by way of Cachar.'34 In the official Kangla map two pologrounds are shown. One of the two lies towards the west of Govindaji's temple inside the Fort, which is known to Manipuris as Manung Kangjeibung. The other lying outside the Fort to the north of the British Residency is popularly called Mapan Kangjeibung. Even during the British regime from 1891 to 1947 the national game of polo had been encouraged so much that Polo players and Polo Choukidars were appointed on monthly pay from the State under Major Head No. 1: Administration, vide Manipur State budgets upto the year 1949-50. But after the integration of Manipur with the Indian Union in October, 1949, the game was discouraged, thereby affecting the cultural heritages of Manipur. The post of Polo Players were abolished and the pologround outside the Manipur Fort has been designated for some other purposes. (see Note 8 below.) Polo means literally Hockey-on-Horseback. And it was first introduced in 1863 by Major General Sherar. He brought two teams of Manipuri natives from Manipur to Calcutta, where they played an exhibition match. In 1864 Polo was taken over to England by the 10th Hussars. R.K.Jhalajit Singh35 cites: "In 1875 the Government of Manipur sent two teams of Polo players to Calcutta to play before His Royal Highness, the Prince of Wales (afterwards King Edward VII) during his visit to India."

vi) Nungoibi:
It is a sacred place for worship of the Goddess of War, whenever a Manipuri king would come out successful through a ceremony known as Huiyen Lalu Chamba. This ceremony was performed on the occasion of Kwak Tanba annually on the day of Vijaya Dashmi, or the tenth day of Lunar month of Mera. This is the area shown in the Kangla map as the Graveyards for Heads.

vii) Manglen:
Manglen is the cremation ground of all the Meitei kings of Manipur.

viii) Mangnaota: Cremation ground of the members of the royal families other than the Maharajas.

ix) Cremation ground: Maharaja Buddhachandra Singh, among others, was also cremated here.

x) Tomb of Sir Akbar Hyderi, the late Governor of Assam.

xi) Nungjeng Pukhri:
A sacred tank supposed to be the abode of God-King, Lord Pakhangba, whose holy water is collected by Meiteis for religious functions.

xii) Nungjeng Macha: A sacred pond for worship of God-King, Lord Pakhangba.

xiii) Old Brick Temple of Brindaban Chandra:
This is a rectangular late-medieval-brick-temple located in the compound of Yubaraj Tikendrajit Singh. It contains the sanctum sanctorum, covered circumambulatory path; and the entrance is from four sides. It has got a brick staircase for going onto the top of the temple. The whole compound of Yubaraj Tikendrajit Singh and the adjoining areas may specially be protected as commemorative of the severe battle of the 24th March, 1891 between the British and the Manipuris, in which many Manipuris were killed besides the British attackers. A list of those persons, killed in action by the British army on that day defending the fort, is enlisted in Cheitharol Kumbaba as from the letter dated 25-3-1891 from Maharaja Kullachandra to theViceroy.

xiv) Stone Inscription:
There is an inscribed stone in the compound of the Commandant, the Assam Rifles. This inscribed stone was declared protected under Manipur State Durbar resolution No. 5 of 24-8-1930 and the Manipur State Notice No.43, dated 24-10-1930, issued by the Vice-President, Manipur State Durbar. This inscribed stone of Maharaja (Marjit) 1815 A.D. describes the construction of a brick wall 9 cubic feet in height as the outer wall of the Palace.

xv) Sites of Presiding Deities Wangbren and Koubru:
Wangbren and Koubru are two important presiding deities of the Meitei religion, whose worships are traditionally performed at the southeastern and northwestern corners respectively of the Kangla periphery.


The above write up is an extract from the book

New Insights into the Glorious Heritage of Manipur

by Dr. H. Dwijasekhar Sharma



Foreword

Although primarily intended to help the agitated youth of Manipur and neighbouring North East (NE) region to revisit their own moorings and reinvent `superachievers' role' in the fiercely competitive world _ rather than add fuel to the dynamics of the ongoing identity-crusades _ this anthology may still help policy-researchers and `think tank' to `reimagine' the `Look East Policy' so that it may accord a higher `economic station' to at least those NE Indians and thereby effectively reduce regional disparity by attuning on the `catchup curve and converging the region to the envisioned East Asian Community _ in pursuance of the since reversed policy of `trade follows national flag'.

Because earlier as long as `the Union Jack used to follow trade', little tangible benefit in terms of infrastructural improvements could accrue to the historic Northeast region because of its vulnerability. Since then political boundaries have become defined _ almost as many microstates as polyethnic, but at best only its resources have been recognized as rich, and officially admitted as still remaining unexplored. Indeed, Manipur and NE India still got something the world wants: a place that hasn't been ruined yet, as more Western tourists are wont to observe much to relieved pride (DNA) of an autochthonous average local.

Handled correctly, the UN secretary-general Ban Ki-moon is of the view that the fight against global warming could set the stage for an eco-friendly transformation of the global economy, one that spurs growth rather than crimps it, as many national leaders fear. Thus, beginning 2009, enviro-technologists boldly stress the need for wholesale reconfiguration of global industry to man the upcoming programme of $1.9 trillion seed money investment, expected by 2020 in zero-greenhouse energy, as per conclusions of the Inter-Governmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), which shared the latest Nobel Peace Prize. Hence a triple indemnity benefit need come to the hitherto growth-deprived regions. including Manipur and NE India from the age of green economics at whose threshold the world stands today. The only proviso is whether government leaders and all others concerned in Manipur can convert the challenge into an opportunity of sorts. So far, Manipur and NE region could not benefit from all three revolutions: industrial, technological and market (globalization).

Meanwhile, North-East Indians have awoken from their slumber (sheer lack of strategic choice) and have become overzealous identity-seekers, often resorting to violence by using their right of action, rather than reason of action, thus vitiating the national spectrum _ the other two being those of: the political Left from Vindhyachal to Himalaya foothills; and Islamic confined to Kashmir. Much more jobs under the age of green economics _ provided that they become technically qualified in green technologies/economics _ will certainly cool down the irate unemployed. If things improve and Manipur becomes the gateway to ASEAN 10+3 (China, Japan & Koreas) +3 (India, Australia and N Zealand), a lot of bad feelings will disappear.

One can still imagine circumstances when Manipur's feisty government leaders get into a disagreement with mainstream/UN-ESCAP on infrastructure and resource development and this spirals out of control. Most commonly overheard after rehearsal rounds among youth: We're not rational when it comes to fights and arguments.

But one at a time: let identity-friction be first rid of through economic traction. Yet, it's difficult to predict its psychological impact. Will Manipuris ever manage to settle their sense of grief and loss on the basis of Aristotelian logic? Stuck in the present, looking to the future, they are somehow trying to redefine their past and pull themselves together towards an enlightened pluralism that goes towards _ not an autochthonous average, but _ their brethren expatriates who have since become e-generation _ transnational couples thinking of settling somewhere else, flying easyjet, e-mailing each other all the time.

Yet, it should not give out an impression that emphasis of local post-modernist historians has shifted 360o or dissociated from macrohistory altogether. Besides being a global trend such introspective endeavour adds flavour to patriotism and Manipuriness. As Eric Hobsbawm observed more historians find the microscope useful at present, but this does not mean they reject the telescope. Meta narratives, mega narratives and post-national or futuristic (supranational entities as SAFTA & ASEAN) narratives need receive their due share of interest and adherence to scientific principles of historical writing for legitimacy and convergence to the global history.

Grateful acknowledgments are due to Prof. B.K.Roy Burman for all the inspiration and help rendered during the last two years or so of my second spell of academic partnership with him; and to Prof. N. Sanajaoba, Dean, Law Faculty, Gauhati University, Guwahati for his thought-provoking Preface, with which this anthology sees the light of the day.









www.e-pao.net


Friday, February 6, 2009

Health care management

Dr. Palin recounts the trials and tribulations of Shija Hospital's birth



Imphal, Feb 5:
The Shija Hospitals and Research Institute, SHRI, commonly known as Shija Hospitals stands tall at Langol in Imphal west. Patients from all over the north east region are now heavily depending on Shija Hospitals and Research Institute for their medical needs and the maximum patients, apart from Manipur, are from Nagaland.

Shija is also the Guinness record holder for being the first hospital to remove the largest neck tumour in the world in 2003 and the first hospital in the state of Manipur to be certified ISO 9001:2000 in 2006. Dr. Kh Palin, a surgeon and the managing director of the hospital looks back through the years of inspirations, hardships, achievements and also looks ahead to dreams yet to be achieved.

Dr. Kh Palin, who started off from a small clinic without a name way back in 1985 at Paona Bazar in Imphal, attached to a pharmacy, revealed that he always had the inspiration and the dream to be a surgeon. "I wanted to be a doctor, a surgical doctor and it was a passion since my childhood days," narrated the surgeon. And that passion combined with hard work, determination and patience has paid off to what is perhaps the biggest private hospital in the state, the Shija Hospitals and Research Institute (SHRI).

However, there were obstacles and difficulties on the way to being first a surgeon and then setting up the hospital. Hailing from an eight member family consisting of four brothers and two sisters, Dr. Palin recalled that there were tough times especially when their father wanted to help the poor and joined politics. "My father wanted to help the poor and the needy. So, he became a politician from Heirok in Thoubal district and contested elections but lost," recalled Dr. Palin. But not the one to give up easily, his father stood elections for the second time, which he won under the banner of the Communist Party of India (CPI), narrated the MD of the Shija Hospitals. However, in his fight for the a Assembly seat, their father exhausted all family properties in order to 'help the poor'. "Nevertheless, my father was very inspiring and always encouraged us," maintained the surgeon.

But one of the hardest times of his life came when on the last day of MBBS form submission at the Regional Medical Centre (RMC), now Regional Institute of Medical Sciences (RIMS), his father died an untimely death in an accident at the age of 67 years. "That was way back in 1973, the last day of MBBS form submission at Regional Institute of Medical Sciences (RIMS). My father died in an accident but I had to submit the form. With the cremation process underway at home, I took an auto rickshaw and went to submit the form," recalled Dr. Palin.

Perhaps inheriting the genes of his father, Dr. Palin began to help those in need especially the locals as an intern at RIMS. This was subsequently followed by his appointment at the hospital as registrar from 1980-82. However, in January of 1982 Dr. Palin left for PGI Chandigarh for 2 years MS course in general surgery after which he rejoined RIMS in 1984 in the department of plastic surgery as a registrar.

Revealing an interesting feature of his stay and work at RIMS, the surgeon stated that he was arrested in May 1985 for operating an underground shot in an encounter. "I was arrested for operating an underground cadre who was shot in a shoot out. But there was nothing to fear. I was only doing my duty as a surgeon," asserted the surgeon, showing no sign of guilt for his duty as a surgeon.

Then in June-July of the same year he began a clinic attached to a pharmacy at Paona Bazar, what is today perhaps the biggest private hospitals chain in the state with a world record under its belt and is known as the Shija Hospitals and Research Institute, Langol in Imphal west. However, it had no name then, revealed Dr. Palin, surgeon and MD. But friends and family members decided that the clinic be named after his mother, Shija. "Shija is the name of my mother. So, we called it Shija Clinic," revealed Dr. Palin.

The managing director of SHRI also has loads of praise for his brother-in-law Dr. Jugindro who has also been assisting him for all these years.

However, the setting up of the Shija Clinic only brought Dr. Palin more hardships and challenges. "People never thought Shija would be this big. I was ridiculed but I never minded it," narrated the surgeon about the days he started the clinic and the ridicules he had to face then. He also narrated further that he appointed three nurses who were paid as low as Rs. 50 per month, took a sofa set for Rs. 1500 on half credit after having paid Rs. 500, which he cherishes till today. "After a month, they came asking for the remaining Rs. 1000 but I thought they were one of my clients and asked them what was their sickness," laughed off Dr. Palin recalling one those few anecdotes amidst hard days.

Revealing further that the rent of the room was increased from Rs. 200 to Rs. 1000 per month., Dr. Palin asserted that it was real hard period. "I thought of giving up. But it was a challenge, an opportunity. So, we continued," stated the MD of SHRI. "Growth is the only solution," he asserted and perhaps one sees the growth and solution standing tall at Langol in Imphal west.

Nevertheless, amidst all these hardships the Shija Clinic was growing slowly but surely. Its clinic at Paona Bazar started measles vaccination for the first time in Manipur and cryofreezing, a non-operative treatment of piles for the first time in northeast India in 1986. And looking out for a more spacious room, the clinic was shifted to RIMS Road in a rented building on October 3, 1988 with nine beds and major operation facility.

But amidst all these, there was the determination in him to go for further studies in his related subject and in 1990 set of to PGI Chandigarh for two years MCh. (Plastic Surgery) course. Having returned after the course in 1992, he was then promoted to the post of assistant professor of plastic surgery in 1993 at RIMS wherein he performed several innovative surgeries during his tenure. "But I felt I was limited at RIMS," revealed Dr. Palin adding that he could see no future for his aims at RIMS.

He quit RIMS on March 16, 1996. "I have no grudge, no regrets with RIMS. I am rather grateful to them for giving me the opportunity to learn so much," asserted the surgeon. And this end at RIMS was to be the beginning of many "firsts" in the state and the north east region.

Though having shifted the clinic to RIMS Road, Dr. Palin asserted that there was not much respite in the new place too as there was lack of room, water, roadside noise, dust and pollution besides no parking space. But the turning point came on May 10, 1996 when the Shija Clinic performed the "key hole" surgery for the first time in eastern India. The surgery first came out in France in 1989, then in Mumbai (India) in 1990, informed the surgeon. "We were not far behind and people didn't believe us. Not even doctors," he recalled and added, "It was a turning point surgery".

However, due to the inconveniences of the area, a new place was sought and found in Langol where the SHRI stands now.

"We are motivated by our patients. Besides our targets keep changing," stated Dr. Palin who proudly owns the much-acclaimed SHRI. He also credited the patients for his entrepreneurship. "The entrepreneurship is due to want for satisfaction of patients," Dr. Palin stated and affirmed that Shija was not going to stop here.

And amidst all these heavy schedules, Dr. Palin also takes off times to chat with close friends and supporters. He also savours on fried 'U-kabi' (a small fish) and local delicacies enjoyed by the people of the state. The surgeon also feels that a strong feeling of integrity is to be maintained and also urged for a positive attitude and true thinking.

The MD of SHRI also opined that India could not survive without Manipur due to the South East countries connections. "We are in the north eastern part of India, a unique place with all opportunities and not like other states. We are not in a desert," stated the surgeon and called upon the youths of the state to take all the opportunity available.

"Take advantage of all the opportunities available and don't go looking for disadvantages in the opportunities," advised Dr. Palin. "Let us take the opportunities rather than the disadvantages," concluded the MD of SHRI.
Joining Dr Palin was Dr Jugindro, the loyal brother-in-law of the Shija Hospitals boss who said that running medical institutes in a place like Manipur is an extremely expensive task. Dr Jugindro said that unlike other parts of India, institutes like Shija Hospitals have to always possess back-up equipments so that instrumental snags are addressed where as in the metros, one can just buy at the first available market the equipments you need.





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Wednesday, February 4, 2009

The Grass is Green...

Dope-smoking among teens down in many countries

Kids on both sides of the Atlantic are smoking less pot and going out less often with friends at night, a study of 15-year-olds in 30 countries found. The double declines occurred in the United States, Canada and mostly European countries from 2002 to 2006. The trends are likely related, since other research has found that kids who spend many evenings out are more likely to smoke dope than homebodies.

Since few parents approve of marijuana use, teens are most likely to use the drug secretly away from home, said lead author Emmanuel Kuntsche of the Swiss Institute for the Prevention of Alcohol and Drug Problems.

Reasons for the declines are unclear. But the researchers said drug prevention efforts and technology may have contributed.

Instant messaging, e-mail and cell phones "may have partly replaced face-to-face contacts, leading to fewer social contacts in the evenings," Kuntsche said.

The study appears in February's Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine, released Monday.

The researchers analyzed data on 93,297 15-year-olds from periodic health surveys in dozens of countries conducted in collaboration with the World Health Organization.

Survey questionnaires were distributed to entire classrooms at various schools, asking various health-related questions including about marijuana use and evenings out with friends in the past year. Responses to 2006 surveys were compared with those in 2002.

Users were kids who'd tried marijuana at least once in the past year.

Marijuana use increased only in Estonia, Lithuania and Malta, and among Russian girls.

While rates varied widely among countries, prevalence was highest both years in Canada, where 30 percent of boys and almost 28 percent of girls used marijuana in 2006. That was down 13 percent among boys and almost 10 percent among girls.

The United States ranked third in 2006, with 24 percent of boys and girls each reporting marijuana use. That was down almost 12 percent among boys and 2 percent among girls, echoing previous reports of declining pot use among U.S. teens.

Switzerland ranked second in prevalence among boys, and Wales was second among girls. Greece, Macedonia and Sweden were at the bottom of the list — with fewer than 5 percent of boys and girls reporting marijuana use in 2006.

Average number of evenings out also decreased in most countries. In the United States, nights out fell slightly to about twice a week in 2006 for boys and girls.

An Archives editorial said that while evenings out may increase chances for marijuana use, parents shouldn't discourage socializing since teens need time away from home to gain independence. Instead, the editorial advises, parents should help steer kids to activities that don't encourage drug use.







Source: The Associated Press

Siroy Lily... where art thou???

Siroy siege brings up debate on ceasefire by civil bodies

IMPHAL, Feb 3: The words of Adani Davin Mao, president of the ANSAM, that "If there is no cease fire in Manipur then it is same as Nagas are not there in Manipur" spoken during a protest in Senapati yesterday has been criticised.

Indrakumar, president of the ACOAM LUP has said that on behalf of the people, ACOAM LUP he wanted to know the motive behind the words of Adani David Mao. He was speaking at a press meet held today at the lup's office at Sagolband Meino Leirak.

He further said that the recent incident at Siroy village and the circumstances surrounding it were suspicious as the government had no knowledge of the NSCN(IM) camp at Siroy and other designated camps of the NSCN(IM) in the districts of Chandel, Ukhrul, Senapati.

He also said that the valley and hill people wanted to live in peace and harmony and feared many unwanted issues if the thoughts of living separate were not solved soon.

Chandrakumar Khumancha, general secretary of the lup also criticized the state government regarding the incident at Siroy village and its silence. He asked the government to take steps to stop past incidents on the issue of territorial boundaries from repeating in the state.

If any issue came up to save Manipur like June 18 the state government must accept it, he added while also stating that if any untoward incident happens then those NGOs supporting NSCN(IM) should be held responsible for it as the ceasefire was only in Nagaland not in Manipur.

He asked the government to work knowing the sentiments of the public. The shifting of NSCN(IM) cadres published in today's newspapers did not mention where they had gone, he said while appealing that all of them should be shifted outside Manipur. If such issues came up NGOs and civil organisations would discuss what they can do in this regard, he said.

Indrajeet, finance secretary of the lup urged the state and the Central governments for a solution urgently and said Manipuri Nagas are not included in the ceasefire.


'Siege caused irreparable damage to Siroy village'

IMPHAL, Feb 3: The Shirui Non-Violence Committee has said that although the Assam Rifles and the NSCN had left Shirui, the siege that lasted for 14 days had left irreparable damages for the social, economic, and cultural well being of the village and the villagers. The psychological and mental trauma that the villagers have endured over the past two weeks will have long-term effects which no monetary or other compensation can make up for, it stated.

To put forward their concerns regarding the effects of the siege on their village, Shirui (Siroy) villagers staged a dharna in their village today. During the dharna, Sudhan R, the SDO Ukhrul, met the villagers to record their concerns, the committee said adding that a number of villagers listed their grievances including the future economic condition of the village, the situation of students who are going to start their academic year, the use of water, firewood and other resources by the Assam Rifles during their siege of the village, the massive cutting of trees conducted by the Assam Rifles around the NSCN camp site etc.

The SDO also visited the campsite to physically assess the damage caused to the village by the Assam Rifles during their siege, it said while recalling that during the siege, the Assam Rifles had availed of a number of resources including the private space of villagers.

It is also necessary to mention that because of the siege, villagers have not been able to take up any economic activities such as paddy farming for the last two weeks. Considering that the majority of the villagers depend entirely on paddy farming for their survival and livelihood, it is certain that the village will suffer a number of hardships in the future as a result of this, it said.

The Shirui Non-Violence Committee sincerely hoped that the SDO and all the appropriate authorities would quickly act on the concerns of the villagers.

The committee also thanked all those individuals and organizations, especially the women volunteers who shared the burden of keeping the vigil to prevent an armed confrontation between the Assam Rifles and the NSCN, who have given their energy in bringing peace to the village and all those who monetarily and materially helped over the past two weeks.

The body also reminded everyone that although the Assam Rifles and the NSCN had left the village, the village was going to face a number of challenges in the future and hoped for continued support and encouragement from everyone.






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