Us and Them: Minorities within Minorities

The demand from some Meiteis to include the ethnic group of Manipur has several takers but the strength of opposition is much higher, most often in the most farcical manners.

The demand by the Meitei community for inclusion in the Scheduled Tribes (ST) category has sparked intense debate, revealing deep divisions within the region. While the Meitei argue that their indigenous culture deserves protection, critics fear that such a move could be an attempt to further marginalize smaller tribes. This situation highlights the complexities of ethnic identity, political power, and demographic concerns in Northeast India, where larger issues of survival and self-preservation are at play in a fragmented society.

I overheard a conversation recently about the Meitei demand for inclusion in the Scheduled Tribes (ST) category, and it struck me as a mix of tragedy and comedy. Here’s why: in India, Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST) are groups recognised under constitutional protection, with privileges like affirmative action, reservations, and development programmes. According to the 2011 Census, SCs and STs make up 16.6% and 8.6% of the population, respectively.

These groups receive support through laws, resources, and benefits to uplift their communities. But, when we look at the Meitei people, they don’t fall into either of these categories. Despite their rich indigenous culture and traditions, the Meitei are counted as a “general” group, based on a report from 1931, which grouped Assam and Manipur as “general” because of their Hindu-majority populations.

Now, there’s some tension around the Meitei's push for ST status. The Meitei are largely seen as a “general” group, while the hill tribes of the region are categorized as STs. But some people, especially from the hills, view the Meitei demand as an attempt to further dominate and exploit smaller communities. This view seems almost absurd because, in reality, the Meitei are a minority themselves—numbering just around a million—and they’re facing increasing threats due to the growing imbalance between natives and outsiders in the state.

Let’s be clear, though: I’m not here to take a side on whether the Meitei should be included or not in the ST category. I’m just pointing out the complexities of a deeply divided society. The demand for ST status can be seen as a way to introduce an Inner Line Permit (ILP) system to address demographic concerns. Many locals are worried that outsiders have outnumbered the native groups, and the anger is often directed at the Meitei. This feels like early-stage political maneuvering, but it’s hard to ignore.

While it’s true that some of the Meitei have a reputation for freeloading, there’s also a deep sense of servility. We often find ourselves begging the state for change, like when we try to get the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act repealed. It’s a draconian law, and instead of pushing back hard against it, we just ask for its removal. The same goes for the demands around the ILP and ST category. But it’s also true that many indigenous groups in the Northeast are facing threats, some even nearing extinction—just look at the Tripuris, who are becoming a minority in their own land.

Now, this situation is full of irony. Take, for instance, the resistance to the ILP system from Churachandpur, home to the Kukis. While it’s hard to admit, many of them are actually illegal immigrants from Myanmar (Burma). The irony is that the ILP system would benefit the Kukis and other smaller tribes the most, as it would protect them from being outnumbered by outsiders. In fact, many sub-tribes within the Kuki community are at risk of being overshadowed.

Looking at the 2001 Census, some smaller tribes like the Aimol, Monsang, and Koireng have tiny populations, while the number of outsiders—mainly from other parts of Northeast India and often of Aryan descent—is nearing a million. The situation over the past year has highlighted how these indigenous communities are struggling, largely because of their own inability to organize and fight back effectively. If we have to take the exact figures, the Aimol numbered merely 2,529; the Monsang 2,130; and the Koireng 1,410 while the outsiders, especially from the western part of the Northeast and who are mostly of Aryan stock, are inching towards one million. The development over the last one year clearly shows that we are suppressed because we are so stupid. I rest my case here.

It’s a messy, tragic, and at times, darkly comical situation. But at the end of the day, it’s clear that the indigenous communities of India’s Northeast, including the Meitei, are facing real challenges—and the question remains: can they unite and protect their future, or will internal divisions continue to hold them back?

Many of the groups against the Meiteis are also on the same boat, but they are entirely in a different universe. And we can easily observe the comedy too. For instance, the most vocal against the implementation of the ILP System comes from Churachandpur, which is inhabited by the Kukis. I’d not want to admit it but their monkey business shows that many of them are illegal Chin people from Burma! In the first place, the ILP System has nothing to do with Nagas and Kukis; in fact, they will be the one who will benefit the most because it has many sub-tribes that are at the receiving end.

PS: We do not need any concession or consideration. All we need is a revolution.

For further reading on this blog:  

• The Scheduled Caste Plan of the Meitei: Rewatching the Theatre of the Absurd 
• Meaningless Meanings
• The Politics of Special Category

Breaking news:

In the ongoing JNU crisis (Feb 2016) in which right-wing nationalists are calling the left-wing anti-national, for me, the real anti-national are those army men sent by the Indian government and who are killing people in and around my hometown for some hopeless gallantry awards and selfish growth in their careers.