Ideological Bankruptcy: The Manipur Case
How is an ideology crucial for the personal and political?
A reflection with a focus on political ideology relating to conflict-torn Manipur, where there has been overlapping armed movements for sovereignty as well as statehood and provincial homeland demands for the last five decades and more.
The ISIS, short for Islamic State of Iraq and Syria or Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham, or ad-Dawlah al-IslΔmΔ«yah fΔ« al-βIrΔq wash-ShΔm, in Arabicβis the latest religion-based group to capture the international attention, thanks to instant news media of the 21st century, which can be read as the powerful media of the West that can be again read as the no-hiding-time-for-the-American-obsession-for-oil news in West Asia. Even a longish essay would do no justice to their onslaught over one year.
More than fundamentalism, here we are concerned about issues related to ideologyβits overflow and the lack of it. It is no wonder that an American terrorism expert who dismissed that βthe group is a run-of-the-mill crime syndicate in which ideology takes a back seat to money makingβ (International Herald Tribune, 7 Jan 2015). This makes sense when many people believe ideology has no place in present-day politics as contrast to economic factors.
However, the clash of belief and the fight over the barrels of oil in the last two decades shows a different reality otherwise. Oil is as important as ideologies. An Australian National Security brief points out that βit (the Islamic State) is an Iraq- and Syria-based Sunni extremist group and a former alβQa'ida affiliate that adheres to the global jihadist ideology. It uses a combination of threats, incentives and ideology to recruit new members, including a sophisticated social media campaign in several languages.β If we look at the big picture, we can also observe the clash between the ideologies of Christianity and Islam as much as between their political and economic systems.
We can safely conclude that ISIS relies heavily on ideologies for the better or worse. This is in no way rationalising its violent means to achieve political ends. Violence sucks, period. To cite another example, it was after the First World War that we saw the mass establishment of nation-states and the spread of nationalism even if it took nearly two and half centuries for the Westphalian System to take a shape.
βWhen we are shown scenes of starving children in Africa, with a call for us to do something to help them, the underlying ideological message is something like: βDonβt think, donβt politicise, forget about the true causes of their poverty, just act, contribute money, so that you will not have to think!β
Between history and contemporary and the βIdeologyβ
History shows a bulk of political ideologies are modern, and those are not more than two hundred years old at the most. Even the very term, attributed to Frenchman Antoine Destutt de Tracy, that is a rendition of his βidΓ©ologieβ, and which carries a series of interpretations, was used for the first term just before the French Revolution in late 1800s. It is human nature to ignore the obvious, so is our disregard for ideology, taking for granted, though it is a given that it exists ceaselessly in the background: both in our private and public spaces. It can be generally summed up in two lines: it is a set of ideas that make up our actions and aspirations; and it fashions our worldviews ranging from the local to the global.We are focussing on this later type of ideology: of the political. In particular, we will delve into the paucity of ideologies relating to conflict-torn Manipur, where there has been overlapping armed movements for sovereignty as well as statehood and provincial homeland demands for the last five decades and more. And this is most ostensible from the government, the parallel government and the constant variable of general mass.
It is an open secret how individuals prevail over a group when it comes to diurnal politics of the day in Manipur. Any election time shows this phenomenon clearly. A portion of the blame goes to the people who are blinded with the promises of democracy, but the majority of the issues owes to the supposedly elected representatives, who are drunk with power and trapped in its own net of possession and plunder and daylight robbery and gross shamelessness and utter ineptitude.
This would accentuate the Fruedian view that ideologies are the unconscious rationalisations of class interests; nonetheless, we cannot afford to keep up with the status quo. For all the problems bogging us down, we need some solutions. If we believe in nothing, to quote Albert Camus, if nothing has any meaning and if we can affirm no values whatsoever, then everything is possible and nothing has any importance. For all the worst reasons, this has been the case in our lived experience.
For the masters
Sample this news from a few days ago. Many senior dissident Congress MLAs from Manipur are camping in Delhi to have the βfinal show-downβ with the high command on the reshuffle of the ministry headed by Chief Minister Okram Ibobi. Some of them suggested that if their demand is not heeded they might be constrained to take drastic steps. In the present political scenario, this indicates they would resign from the Congress and join the BJP to contest the 2017 Assembly Elections. (The Hindu, 2 Feb 2015) Re-read the last sentence. Opportunists, megalomaniac, leikai-goonda: they have earned themselves so many names as good sense takes a back seat, and ideology, dribbles down the drain.If we look it from Louis Althusserβs perspective, the Stateβas a machine of βrepressionββignores its ineffectiveness to gladly enjoy in its cocoons of self-satisfaction. For Althusser, the Repressive State Apparatus (RSA), consisting of the State, government, police, courts, prison and army, acts as a demonic whole against the Ideological State Apparatuses (ISA) that comprise school, universities and families and those in the private domains.
If there were any ideology in this kind of living, we may as well be deaf, dumb and blind. Considering that we do listen, speak and see, we can tell clearly it is the ideology of destruction, if there is any such term, which has been dictating our lives. If there were any, the State has succeeded reducing it to bare delusional thoughts.
In our contemporary world, it is the ideology of lawlessness that serves as a disguise for their penchant to loot and sustain their parochial mindsets in the name of governance and administration in a conflict area. It is the ideology of being a lion in the home turf and being a mouse in others, read Mainland India and New Delhi that shapes its existence. It is the ideology of denial and blindness. Even after several decades of conflict, it considers the armed movement in the region is merely a law-and-order situation.
Of the rebels
It is a relative world. Those who need the most are usually the most deprived. This is even truer when we observe the trend of insurgency over the years. If the antagonistic Marxismβrevisionism marked the early modern world, now these are the days of permanent revolution and terrorism; the latter is loosely equated with the ideology of using violence for political goals. In India, this is evident in Kashmir, the Northeast and widespread pro-Maoist areas in mainland region (the last which is believed to active in 160 of the countryβs 604 administrative districts).It is notable that most of the rebel groups in Manipur are influenced by both Marxist and Maoist thoughts. However, their political statements have been reduced to the indispensable press releases on their raising days. It has been long that people has ignored their customary announcement of their existence. Their rhetoric has also been overshadowed by the issues of intolerance that people face from their extortion and interference in domestic/family matters.
The oldest rebel group was established in 1964, yet till today, there has been no initiative to break the deadlock. The only animated part in this static condition is the collective fall into the abyss of poverty and sheer degradation of the society. The growth of multiple organisations for the same cause is only putting insult to the injury. Growth for the sake of growth, according to Edward Abbey, is the ideology of the cancer cell. Certainly, social revolution cannot afford to be as rigid as an ideology, but when it is disregarded blatantly, the people are the first stakeholders to bite the bullet.
By the people
Truth be told, there are many people in Manipur who are fed up with India since 1949, when the erstwhile kingdom was merged into the Union by force. Lack of systematic study and the silence of the general public explain how the State has been able to describe such related issues as those of internal domestic affairs. There are also as many people who see no future without the Union. Whenever there are cases of racial discrimination and government inaction, which is so rampant in our world, this second group of people is the one who is prone to victimisation. The desperation is apparent in their cries for acceptance while carrying forward the legacy of slavery. As if these are insufficient, we are super-disorganised irrespective of the camp we belong to.The mastery of facing the chronic decadence is visible in our kneejerk responses and reactive approaches to the ceaseless issues ranging from killing to torture to government apathy to defunct authority. The formation of joint action committees every other day gives a pointer to the overdraft of grievances, complaints and protests. The State is immune to the popular uprisings, knowing well that another issue will overtake the previous one. It is always a wait-and-watch policy. We are also immune to the most barbaric events that are occurring in the name of the people day in and day out.
More blunders call for more drastic amendments. It might be hard for us to admit but we are left with no option. As every seedling needs different soil, there is an urgent need for thoughts and values that are suitable to our environments. Again, Marx and Mao are not enoughβthey should complement with the needs that we have in our indigenous ways of life. This could be an epistemological issue but we can see that Marx used the term βideologyβ in a pejorative sense. Quite ironically, Marxism is an ideology that many of the sons of the soil are drowned in.
Footnote
The problem is over the power, or rather our inability to think. Our thoughts and mores are simply evaporating into dogmas in the most primitive ways. Perhaps the only face-saver is the phenomenon of rampant violence in other parts of the worldβproving that we are not alone in this rut. Comparatively those are, for example the issues of ISIS, are on a global scale that people are taking notice of. The situation is bleak back home. We have seen the deception of the State terming the issues as those of law and order and domestic affairs. In other instances, these are of petty ethnic conflicts. If not, these are just a part of the national phenomenon of regionalism that affects the Indian politics as a whole. On multiple levels, we are losing our tracks.Ideologies can be inflexible; but we do need some of them to rebuild our today and pave the way for tomorrow. Definitely, these should be entirely different from the existing ones. If not for the solution, we can at least frame the questions to our problems in a logical manner first. On one hand, we are clear about hardliners and fundamentalist groups, as cited in ISIS cases. It is one story how the Muslim hardliners and liberals are at loggerheads.
Economic well-being might depend on development policies rather than on ideologies. Action might precede theory in the days of social revolution. Yet ideologies shape how we go about facing these issues. These are what we believe in. To conclude, without a firm foundation, the building is not going to last long. Perhaps, we can start with where we stand on the questions of liberty. To begin, to start, to start building, we need ideologies.
READING LIST
- Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses, by Louis Althusser
- Assessing the Importance of Ideology in Religious and Ethnic Conflicts, by Zoey Reisdorf
- A Materialist Critique of Objective Idealism, by Evald Ilyenkov
- Political Ideology: Its Structure, Functions and Elective Affinities, by John T Jost, Christopher M Federico and Jaime L Napier
β’ Manipur: Treatise & Documents, by Naorem Sanajaoba
β’ Revolutionary Movements in Manipur, by N Joykumar
β’ Bleeding Manipur, by Phanjoubam Tarapot
β’ The Emergence of Meetei Nationalism: A Study of Two Movements Among the Meeteis, by Rajendra Kshetri
β’ Ethnicity in Manipur: Experiences, Issues, and Perspectives, by Lucy Zehol
β’ Troubled Periphery: The Crisis of Indiaβs North East, by Subir Bhaumik
β’ Violence and Identity in North East India: Naga-Kuki Conflict, by SR Tohring
β’ Autonomy and Armed Separatism in South and Southeast Asia, by Michelle Ann Miller
β’ Social Movements in North East India, by Mahendra Narain Karna
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